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Foreign policy expert Aaron David Miller puts it this way on X: “Israel scored a huge tactical security/political success in defending against Iranian missiles and partnering [with] US and Sunnis. [The] question now is how to turn that into a strategic opportunity [without] courting regional war. No Israeli government can accept Iran’s strike as new normal.”
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Just as Biden’s warning seems to have prevented a civilian tragedy in Rafah, his latest admonition to calibrate Israel’s response appears to be working. “Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has asked the Israel Defense Forces to provide a target list, according to an official familiar with high-level discussions, who said Israel is mulling retaliation that would ‘send a message’ but not cause casualties,” The Post reported.
Shortsighted defenders of Israel bristle at any sign that Biden is urging Netanyahu to show restraint. That’s foolish and contrary to the interests of the Israeli people who are demanding that Netanyahu prioritize the hostages’ release. Vicious anti-Israel critics who mouth Hamas’s chants (e.g., “From the river to the sea!”) and glorify violence want Biden to abandon our historical ally. Biden will take neither approach. Rather, his delicate intervention helps Israel maximize its own security without alienating critical Western allies.
Less informed critics accuse Biden of inconsistency. They have it backward. He remains a true friend of Israel, the sort of friend who cautions against rash action that would boomerang; who demands that Israel look beyond the moment to its long-term survival; and who, in his bones, understands the Israeli people want both democracy and security.
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Both countries should be grateful that a seasoned president is in the Oval Office.
Distinguished person of the week
David Hume Kennerly, President Gerald Ford’s photographer, resigned from the foundation that bears his former boss’s name. After the board repeatedly refused to give Liz Cheney its award for distinguished public service, Kennerly wrote:
A key reason Liz’s nomination was turned down was your agita about what might happen if the former president is reelected. Some of you raised the specter of being attacked by the Internal Revenue Service and losing the foundation’s tax-exempt status as retribution for selecting Liz for the award. The historical irony was completely lost on you. Gerald Ford became president, in part, because Richard Nixon had ordered the development of an enemies list and demanded his underlings use the IRS against those listed. That’s exactly what the executive committee fears will happen if there’s a second coming of Donald Trump.
His caustic response to the board’s appalling cowardice: “I mistakenly thought we were better than that.” For good measure, he quoted the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. (“In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends”).
Kennerly’s refusal to condone the actions of a board “cowed by a demagogue creating and promulgating the greatest crisis our country has faced since the Civil War” stands in sharp contrast to the sniveling servitude of New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, widely ridiculed for refusing to pronounce Trump unfit. As ABC News’s George Stephanopoulos put it in wrapping up Sununu’s disastrous interview:
"Me and 51 percent of America," Sununu says, which mendaciously overstates America's support for Trump https://t.co/xkENXws85N
— Brian Stelter (@brianstelter)
April 14, 2024 Cheney and Kennerly refuse to condone the moral collapse of Republicans such as Sununu and the board of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Foundation. If we had more of the former and fewer of the latter, the country would not be facing the prospect of a second Trump term — one far more dangerous than the first.
Something different
Trust me: A book about grammar can be fun. Anne Curzan’s “Says Who? A Kinder, Funner Usage Guide for Everyone Who Cares About Words” certainly qualifies. The thin volume should appeal to writers, editors and readers — all of whom (she talks a lot about whom/who) have grown up with certain rules that parents and teachers have drilled into their heads. However (she discusses that word as well), what if those rules are not rules at all?
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The University of Michigan linguistics professor explores how grammar (and spelling) developed, who creates grammar rules and, most important, how grammar changes over time. In her tour through the English language, Curzan suggest two ways of looking at grammar.
“Grammandos” police grammar (especially other people’s) but may misunderstand the grammar rule they are wielding. They wind up denying themselves and listeners/readers the vibrancy and variety of available word choices. “Wordies” — whom she likens to birdwatchers — explore which rules may be akin to suggestions and which grammar choices one can select from. (Did you notice what I did? Sometimes you can end a sentence with a preposition.) Wordies do not lack standards; rather, their curiosity about words allows them to creatively deploy (splitting infinitives has a long and storied pedigree) them.
Certainly, the book will delight word nerds. While her analysis might give you flashbacks, positive or otherwise, to that persnickety English teacher in high school, Curzan manages to sprinkle her guide with plenty of jokes. Along the way, she also makes the case (pun intended) that fights about language often amount to fights about power, race, inclusion and gender.
I have taken to heart one of her favorite quotes from an article on scientific writing: “Complexity of thought need not lead to impenetrability of expression.” Put differently, the purpose of writing is to communicate with clarity, precision and, occasionally, wit. Curzan does all three.
Every other Wednesday at noon, I host a live Q&A with readers. Submit a question for the next one.
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This week, I look at President Biden’s delicate diplomacy with Israel, pick the distinguished person of the week and share a fascinating book — on grammar, no less!
President Biden has declared himself to be a Zionist — the first president, I believe, to express his support in this way for a permanent homeland for the Jewish people. His unwavering backing at the beginning of the Israel-Gaza war endeared him to the Israeli people. But, as a true friend of Israel, Biden knows that the Israel-U.S. relationship largely depends on democratic, shared values. Accordingly, he became increasingly critical as civilian casualties mounted and Israel failed to deliver sufficient humanitarian relief and protection for aid workers.
Israel cannot endure as a pariah on the world stage. Its long-term interests require it to prevent mass starvation in Gaza and minimize further civilian casualties. In the aftermath of the World Central Kitchen deaths, Biden’s implicit threat to withdraw support if Israel did not adjust its conduct paid dividends. Israel increased aid delivery and instituted deconfliction procedures.
These steps, in the long run, benefit Israel. Middle East veteran negotiator Dennis Ross explained on X: “Israel must be serious about permitting humanitarian assistance and ensuring the security of delivery. This is not just morally right; it is in Israel’s strategic interest to gain the time needed to dismantle Hamas militarily.”
When Iran launched hundreds of missiles and drones at Israel in an unprecedented onslaught, Biden maintained his solid support for Israel. The United States (plus Jordan and Saudi Arabia, in a head-snapping display of Israel’s support within the Sunni Arab states) provided military and intelligence assistance. Biden then followed up with a show of unwavering support from the Group of Seven.
But once again, Biden’s job as commander in chief and steward of the Israel-U.S. relationship does not include unconditionally cheerleading for the Israeli prime minister infamous for pursuing rash measures to satisfy his extremist coalition partners. Biden, therefore, mixed praise for Israel’s defensive success with a reminder of the dangers of a regional war. The Times of Israel reported that Biden “made clear publicly and privately in his call with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that he does not want to see a regional conflict.” White House National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby said Biden was “certainly not looking for a war with Iran” and that he himself was “confident that Prime Minister Netanyahu is aware of the president’s concerns.”
Contrary to some right-wing commentators’ complaints, Biden has not asked Israel to do nothing. He is urging Israel to select a response that does not set off a larger conflagration. The difference between knocking down Tehran’s power grid for a day and pummeling the city with missiles, for example, may be the difference between Israel gaining points with the international community and Israel starting a regional war.
Foreign policy expert Aaron David Miller puts it this way on X: “Israel scored a huge tactical security/political success in defending against Iranian missiles and partnering [with] US and Sunnis. [The] question now is how to turn that into a strategic opportunity [without] courting regional war. No Israeli government can accept Iran’s strike as new normal.”
Just as Biden’s warning seems to have prevented a civilian tragedy in Rafah, his latest admonition to calibrate Israel’s response appears to be working. “Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has asked the Israel Defense Forces to provide a target list, according to an official familiar with high-level discussions, who said Israel is mulling retaliation that would ‘send a message’ but not cause casualties,” The Post reported.
Shortsighted defenders of Israel bristle at any sign that Biden is urging Netanyahu to show restraint. That’s foolish and contrary to the interests of the Israeli people who are demanding that Netanyahu prioritize the hostages’ release. Vicious anti-Israel critics who mouth Hamas’s chants (e.g., “From the river to the sea!”) and glorify violence want Biden to abandon our historical ally. Biden will take neither approach. Rather, his delicate intervention helps Israel maximize its own security without alienating critical Western allies.
Less informed critics accuse Biden of inconsistency. They have it backward. He remains a true friend of Israel, the sort of friend who cautions against rash action that would boomerang; who demands that Israel look beyond the moment to its long-term survival; and who, in his bones, understands the Israeli people want both democracy and security.
Both countries should be grateful that a seasoned president is in the Oval Office.
David Hume Kennerly, President Gerald Ford’s photographer, resigned from the foundation that bears his former boss’s name. After the board repeatedly refused to give Liz Cheney its award for distinguished public service, Kennerly wrote:
His caustic response to the board’s appalling cowardice: “I mistakenly thought we were better than that.” For good measure, he quoted the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. (“In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends”).
Kennerly’s refusal to condone the actions of a board “cowed by a demagogue creating and promulgating the greatest crisis our country has faced since the Civil War” stands in sharp contrast to the sniveling servitude of New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, widely ridiculed for refusing to pronounce Trump unfit. As ABC News’s George Stephanopoulos put it in wrapping up Sununu’s disastrous interview:
"Me and 51 percent of America," Sununu says, which mendaciously overstates America's support for Trump https://t.co/xkENXws85N
Cheney and Kennerly refuse to condone the moral collapse of Republicans such as Sununu and the board of the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Foundation. If we had more of the former and fewer of the latter, the country would not be facing the prospect of a second Trump term — one far more dangerous than the first.
Trust me: A book about grammar can be fun. Anne Curzan’s “Says Who? A Kinder, Funner Usage Guide for Everyone Who Cares About Words” certainly qualifies. The thin volume should appeal to writers, editors and readers — all of whom (she talks a lot about whom/who) have grown up with certain rules that parents and teachers have drilled into their heads. However (she discusses that word as well), what if those rules are not rules at all?
The University of Michigan linguistics professor explores how grammar (and spelling) developed, who creates grammar rules and, most important, how grammar changes over time. In her tour through the English language, Curzan suggest two ways of looking at grammar.
“Grammandos” police grammar (especially other people’s) but may misunderstand the grammar rule they are wielding. They wind up denying themselves and listeners/readers the vibrancy and variety of available word choices. “Wordies” — whom she likens to birdwatchers — explore which rules may be akin to suggestions and which grammar choices one can select from. (Did you notice what I did? Sometimes you can end a sentence with a preposition.) Wordies do not lack standards; rather, their curiosity about words allows them to creatively deploy (splitting infinitives has a long and storied pedigree) them.
Certainly, the book will delight word nerds. While her analysis might give you flashbacks, positive or otherwise, to that persnickety English teacher in high school, Curzan manages to sprinkle her guide with plenty of jokes. Along the way, she also makes the case (pun intended) that fights about language often amount to fights about power, race, inclusion and gender.
I have taken to heart one of her favorite quotes from an article on scientific writing: “Complexity of thought need not lead to impenetrability of expression.” Put differently, the purpose of writing is to communicate with clarity, precision and, occasionally, wit. Curzan does all three.
Every other Wednesday at noon, I host a live Q&A with readers. Submit a question for the next one.
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