Considering the glaring lack of specifics in the names of purchasers of electoral bonds, it is obvious that the scheme was not devised to be as transparent about funding of political parties as claimed.

The naïve small fry whose names are listed among the top donors, acted innocently, on a purely quid pro quo basis, and were easily exposed. The big players of Indian industry have long understood the rules of the game.

Favours of all kinds to politicians have to be disguised under veils of secrecy, so that it is difficult to point a finger. In this context, it is relevant to recall a letter written by JRD Tata, one of India’s most upright businessmen, to Pandit Nehru. JRD was a rare Indian businessman who did not try to cover his tracks.

In 1961, elder statesman C Rajagopalachari wrote to JRD, requesting for a contribution to the newly founded the Swatantra Party. JRD wrote that though he was aware the Tatas funded the Congress, he felt it was the business group’s patriotic duty to also fund the Opposition since no democracy thrives in the absence of a strong Opposition.

Unlike his fellow businessmen who funded the Swatantra Party surreptitiously, JRD wrote frankly to Nehru that he would also be donating to the Swatantra Party since it was the only option to fund a constructive Opposition. Probably no industrialist today would have the courage to write a similar letter.

While Rahul Bhatia, Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw and L N Mittal have been less secretive than most big names in the industry, but even their largesse was reserved for parties either in power at the Centre or state. Presently, powerless parties like the SP, BSP, etc., are not mentioned as major receivers.

Desi touches

Under the Modi regime, Rashtrapati Bhavan is slowly being given a more Bharatiya touch. Desi features have been introduced gradually in the colonial-era monument. Rooms have been renamed and new museums added by recent presidents. Rechristening of the famed Mughal Gardens as Amrit Udyan is known, but there are other new nomenclatures.

For instance, the Council Room, popularly known as the Radcliffe room because Cyril Radcliffe hastily drew up the boundaries of India and Pakistan in 1947 in the room which was lined with maps, has been rechristened as the Cabinet Room even though no cabinet meetings of either the Prime Minister or the President are held there.

The formal, British-designated yellow dining room, grey dining room, north drawing room, garden loggia and study have been renamed after Indian rivers, Narmada, Godavari, Saryu, Yamuna, Sabarmati, etc. Recent Presidents have left their mark on the Bhavan. Pranab Mukherjee set up a museum of old carpets and tapestries, and opened up the building to the general public.

Until then, only privileged visitors had access. President Ram Nath Kovind conceived the idea of renaming drawing rooms and staterooms. President Droupadi Murmu has inaugurated an imaginative tribal gallery in the basement with Gond and Warli paintings. This was formerly the kitchen museum, exhibiting old cutlery and cooking utensils from the Rashtrapati Bhavan kitchen.

Unhappy family

The cracks in Mamata Banerjee’s family were out in the open when her younger brother Babun Banerjee threatened to stand for the Howrah Lok Sabha seat as an Independent because former footballer Prasun Banerjee was re-nominated as the TMC candidate. Mamata knows when you have a large family of five brothers and two sisters, it is not easy to manage expectations when “Didi’’ is Chief Minister.

Babun’s mini rebellion was easily quashed, but the real family tension is actually between Didi and her heir, Abhishek Banerjee. Abhishek lived in Delhi with Mamata when she was an MP based in the Capital, unlike the rest of the family, which lived together in Kolkata’s Kalighat. Abhishek is not coy about hiding his affluent lifestyle and refuses to adopt the simplicity that is his aunt’s trademark.

Mamata continues to be the face of the TMC, but Abhishek as general secretary has practically taken control of the party, handling finances and the entire Lok Sabha campaign. It was at his insistence that I-PAC, a professional poll consultancy firm, was hired. Mamata’s niece Aditi, meanwhile, has taken charge of TMC’s social media and controls the Twitter handles of party candidates, something the party old-timers deeply resent.

Parallels from past

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has reportedly drawn inspiration from Indira Gandhi’s political career. But the Modi government appears to have forgotten Charan Singh’s fatal mistake of ordering the CBI to arrest Gandhi in an alleged corruption case shortly after the Janata Party’s post-Emergency win in 1975.

Gandhi and Congress skillfully milked the sympathy factor to handily win the Chikmagalur by-election a few months later, turning the political tide. Political observers see parallels with AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal’s dramatic arrest on Thursday, just ahead of the Lok Sabha polls.

QOSHE - Favours of all kinds to politicians have to be disguised under veils of secrecy, so that it is difficult to point a finger - Coomi Kapoor
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Favours of all kinds to politicians have to be disguised under veils of secrecy, so that it is difficult to point a finger

13 12
24.03.2024

Considering the glaring lack of specifics in the names of purchasers of electoral bonds, it is obvious that the scheme was not devised to be as transparent about funding of political parties as claimed.

The naïve small fry whose names are listed among the top donors, acted innocently, on a purely quid pro quo basis, and were easily exposed. The big players of Indian industry have long understood the rules of the game.

Favours of all kinds to politicians have to be disguised under veils of secrecy, so that it is difficult to point a finger. In this context, it is relevant to recall a letter written by JRD Tata, one of India’s most upright businessmen, to Pandit Nehru. JRD was a rare Indian businessman who did not try to cover his tracks.

In 1961, elder statesman C Rajagopalachari wrote to JRD, requesting for a contribution to the newly founded the Swatantra Party. JRD wrote that though he was aware the Tatas funded the Congress, he felt it was the business group’s patriotic duty to also fund the Opposition since no democracy thrives in the absence of a strong Opposition.

Unlike his fellow businessmen who funded the Swatantra Party surreptitiously, JRD wrote frankly to Nehru that he would also be donating to the Swatantra Party since it was the only........

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