The consecration of the Ram temple on January 22 comes before the general election to the Lok Sabha, whose term ends on June 16, 2024. Clearly, the BJP seeks to capitalise on the temple to win votes. This follows the Supreme Court judgment that accepted pleas by Hindus for the construction of the temple at the disputed site because they have been in “exclusive and unimpeded possession” of the outer courtyard where they have continued worship. Now, a new idol is being selected among various competitors for installation — an unusual move.
The Ramayana shows Ram’s equanimity and grace through good and terrible times, Sita’s devotion to her husband and Lakshman and Hanuman’s fierce loyalty stand as ideals for us to follow. The Bhagavad Gita is among India’s most beloved scriptures. Chapter four, verses one and two, has a salutary message for all generations: “The exalted Lord said to Arjuna: I gave this imperishable Yoga to Vivasvat (the sun-god); Vivasvat passed on the knowledge to Manu (the Hindu lawgiver); Manu told it to Ikshvaku (founder of the solar dynasty of the Kshatriyas). Handed down in this way in orderly succession, the Rajarishis (royal rishis) knew it. But, O Scorcher of Foes (Arjuna)! By the long passage of time, this Yoga was lost sight of on earth.”
Is this not true of today’s India?
Swami Vivekananda believed in the oneness of humanity. He said: “The second idea that I learned from my Master, and which is perhaps the most vital, is the wonderful truth that the religions of the world are not contradictory or antagonistic. They are but various phases of one eternal religion.”
The Constitution envisages a parliamentary system of government. Under it, following the elections for the Lok Sabha, the majority party/parties are invited to form the government by the President, while those belonging to the minority party/parties become the Opposition.
B R Ambedkar on November 4, 1948, gave a rationale for this system vis-a-vis a presidential system saying, “In England, where the parliamentary system prevails, the assessment of responsibility of the Executive is both daily and periodic. The daily assessment is done by members of Parliament, through questions, resolutions, no-confidence motions, adjournment motions and debates on addresses… The draft Constitution in recommending the parliamentary system of Executive has preferred more responsibility to more stability.”
But, the absence of assessment, much less “daily assessment” by Parliament has resulted in an absence of responsibility. The fundamental premise of parliamentary democracy appears to be vanishing. This, coupled with the failure of constitutional institutions, including the judiciary, makes it seem as though the democracy envisioned by the constitutional framers is failing. The Opposition has a constitutional duty to step in and stem further erosion.
The term Opposition must be understood as “constitutional Opposition” and not merely as “opposing”. The delicate process of constitutionalisation of politics results in an approach in which the opposer is not an enemy. The Opposition must not just obstruct or oppose, but be constructive. Of course, this can work more easily in two-party systems. But with the multi-party system in India, the challenge is unique. The Opposition must understand that it may be called to “respond” in the coming general elections. It must display that it is oriented towards governing. For this, it needs to demonstrate that it can be responsible, restrained and realistic.
The emergence of a dominant party under a strong prime minister increases the possibility of an erosion of democratic values. This happened between 1975 and 1977 during the Congress regime and is presently in action. To counter this, the Opposition must unite — not just in numbers, but in spirit.
Thousands of Congress leaders and workers sacrificed their lives, liberties and resources in the struggle for freedom. The Congress must deliver this message to the voters. Today’s Congress is far removed from its original self. It must reinvent itself to project that image if it wants to play a role in the future of the nation. This calls for huge sacrifices from its leaders and cadres. First and foremost, it must realise it is no longer a dominant force, nor does it have the ideology to galvanise the country. It must acknowledge the rise of regional parties and work in tandem with them to achieve constitutional goals. In turn, regional parties must respect the Congress while ascertaining their own positions and work towards success in the forthcoming general elections.
The popularity of the prime minister and the BJP’s organisational structure and vast financial resources need not deter the Opposition. It must remember that the ruling party secured less than 40 per cent vote share to succeed in the last general elections. But to counter it effectively, the Opposition needs strategy, hard work, sincerity, sacrifice and internal accommodation. The country faces enormous challenges. Urgent issues like poverty, inequality, unemployment, inflation, and a worsening law and order situation need to be addressed. The atmosphere of fear and failure of constitutional authorities, along with the plight of Dalits, backward communities and minorities, must be highlighted.
The consecration of the Ram temple cannot hijack the real issues faced by people. Use of religion for votes is expressly prohibited under election laws as interpreted by the Supreme Court. Any infraction has to be brought to the notice of the Election Commission and the constitutional courts for redressal, however low the chances of success.
These challenges should be highlighted with facts, figures, and sober slogans. The prime minister occupies a constitutional office that must be respected and the Opposition would be well advised to steer clear from attacking him personally, much less with unparliamentary language.
Any delay in the Opposition getting its act together will only make its task more difficult, if not impossible.
The writer is a senior advocate practising before the Supreme Court of India
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