On March 30, 2014, when he was in Nanded to campaign for the Lok Sabha elections, then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi received huge applause for his announcement that should he become prime minister, he would send Ashok Chavan to jail “within six months”. In 2023, with the incumbent PM expecting to begin his third innings, Chavan found himself mentioned again for his role in the Adarsh scam in the Modi government’s much tom-tommed White Paper, presented by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman last week.
However, as the 10th anniversary of the promise made in Nanded approaches, and barely four days after coming up in Parliament for his alleged role in the Adarsh scam, Ashok Chavan has joined the BJP. This is perfectly in line with the BJP’s current policy: Accuse and appropriate. Last year, when addressing party workers in Bhopal, Modi charged the NCP leadership of swindling Rs 70,000 crore in various misdeeds, including the Maharashtra State Cooperative Bank scam, irrigation scam and illegal mining scam. Soon, Ajit Pawar, an alleged kingpin in these scams, joined hands with the BJP, sharing the deputy chief ministership with its home-grown stalwart, Devendra Fadnavis. The BJP’s “Free Incoming” policy, read with PM Narendra Modi’s frequent trips to the state, underlines the importance given to Maharashtra in pursuit of its “Mission 400” in the upcoming parliamentary polls. In contrast to its rhetoric, the BJP’s unabashed import of tainted leaders hints at how unsure it is about Maharashtra. Why this palpable desperation?
Having peaked in the Hindi heartland, two states are crucial for the BJP’s parliamentary arithmetic — Bihar and Maharashtra. Thanks to habitual turncoat Nitish Kumar, the BJP is assured of its position in Bihar. However, Maharashtra continues to be its Achilles’ heel. This reality was reflected in the recent survey conducted by a private agency for a media house, which gave the ruling combine not more than 22 seats. This is despite the BJP making every effort to split the Shiv Sena and the NCP to form a three-party government in the state. If this poll is to be believed, the residual Shiv Sena led by Uddhav Thackeray and the NCP that is led by the old Maratha war horse, Sharad Pawar, could walk away with as many as 26 seats. The fact that in the 2019 general elections, the BJP-Shiv Sena combine had pocketed 41 out of 48 seats speaks of how tough the task in Maharashtra is for the BJP.
The BJP needs Maharashtra to retain its strength in Parliament. With 48 seats — second only to Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 seats — the western state has been making the BJP nervous since the 2019 assembly elections when it failed to get a majority on its own. The subsequent experiment by the Congress, the Sharad Pawar-led NCP and the Shiv Sena to join hands and keep the BJP at bay forced the saffron party to adopt a two-pronged strategy: Split the Shiv Sena and the NCP and later weaken the Congress by incorporating many of its leaders.
Having achieved the first two, the BJP is now on the third. A point worth noting is that all these imported settlers have a common imprint. Almost all of them are Marathas — be it Narayan Rane, Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil, Harshvardhan Patil, etc — who were brought in a few years ago, or the fresh ones like Ajit Pawar and Ashok Chavan. The BJP’s quest for Maratha votes has a solid reason: It lacks its own Maratha leader who has popular appeal, particularly in western Maharashtra and Marathwada. The BJP has high hopes for Ajit Pawar for the former region, while it expects Ashok Chavan to deliver in the latter, where the BJP has been unable to find an able successor to the late Gopinath Munde. The legacy of Munde — who hailed from Beed, adjacent to Ashok Chavan’s constituency, Nanded — has three claimants: Two of his daughters, Pritam, a doctor and MP, and Pankaja, an MLA, and his nephew Dhananjay, who has joined hands with Ajit Pawar after a stint in the BJP. Even the three together do not wield the kind of influence that Munde did. Since his demise in 2014, the BJP has been in search of a formidable face in the region.
Ashok Chavan can hardly be considered that. Like his father, the late Shankarrao Chavan, a former chief minister and Union minister, Ashok Chavan is far from being a popular leader. Father and son have always been the High Command’s men. Shankarao Chavan, called Headmaster for his disciplinarian approach to politics, was completely subservient to the High Command and had been severely criticised for staying silent even in the face of the late Sanjay Gandhi’s excesses during the Emergency. His son followed in his footsteps in being His Master’s Voice — whoever that master might be.
This trait and, of course, his role in the infamous Adarsh scam, where land reserved for defence forces in Mumbai’s tony Colaba area was usurped by politicians and bureaucrats, came in handy for the BJP. It used these as a tool to “woo” him, as it sought a Maratha face, especially when Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, also a Maratha, is seen as stealing the march on the Maratha reservation issue. It was Devendra Fadnavis, as chief minister, who kept the Adarsh scam issue alive and had given the nod for Ashok Chavan’s prosecution. The BJP kept the sword of the scam hanging over Chavan’s head but also ensured that it did not fall on him. A few years ago, when the three-party government of the Shiv Sena, NCP and Congress was ruling the state, central agencies raided an alleged frontman for Ashok Chavan but stopped short of touching the leader himself.
Since then, his joining the BJP was a mere formality. It’s not that the BJP isn’t aware of Ashok Chavan’s true political potential, or rather, lack thereof. It went ahead only because, like in Bihar, it wants to set the narrative in Maharashtra, too: That it can strike Congress at its will.
In doing so, the BJP may want to showcase its strength and political muscle power. But is it, instead, exposing its weak underbelly, exhibiting a lack of confidence?
The writer is editor, Loksatta
In importing leaders, is BJP exposing its weak underbelly, exhibiting a lack of confidence?
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7
13.02.2024
On March 30, 2014, when he was in Nanded to campaign for the Lok Sabha elections, then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi received huge applause for his announcement that should he become prime minister, he would send Ashok Chavan to jail “within six months”. In 2023, with the incumbent PM expecting to begin his third innings, Chavan found himself mentioned again for his role in the Adarsh scam in the Modi government’s much tom-tommed White Paper, presented by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman last week.
However, as the 10th anniversary of the promise made in Nanded approaches, and barely four days after coming up in Parliament for his alleged role in the Adarsh scam, Ashok Chavan has joined the BJP. This is perfectly in line with the BJP’s current policy: Accuse and appropriate. Last year, when addressing party workers in Bhopal, Modi charged the NCP leadership of swindling Rs 70,000 crore in various misdeeds, including the Maharashtra State Cooperative Bank scam, irrigation scam and illegal mining scam. Soon, Ajit Pawar, an alleged kingpin in these scams, joined hands with the BJP, sharing the deputy chief ministership with its home-grown stalwart, Devendra Fadnavis. The BJP’s “Free Incoming” policy, read with PM Narendra Modi’s frequent trips to the state, underlines the importance given to Maharashtra in pursuit of its “Mission 400” in the upcoming parliamentary polls. In contrast to its rhetoric, the BJP’s unabashed import of tainted leaders hints at how........
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