India’s politics of the last decade has left no one in any doubt that power wears a male face. Masculinity as a form of power in politics, society or the media may be invisible but it is present across party lines, our formal sector and media bodies. A question that then arises is: Can institutions erected upon the socio-economic powerlessness of 50 per cent of its voting population guarantee equality of all merely by flying some sorties with all-female crews, awarding women entrepreneurs on Women’s Day and honouring nari shakti as the most formidable vote bank? The Amnesty report of January 2023 ranks India at number 148 (20th from the bottom) in terms of women’s representation in Parliament (15 per cent). Time magazine’s gender equality index finds that women in Indian politics, especially from multilingual areas and marginalised castes, are targeted the most by trolls online.
An unacknowledged or under-acknowledged fact is the extent to which India’s socio-political atmosphere is created and shaped by the male standpoint. The masculine perspective alone reinforces the definition of a good female politician, circumscribing her speeches in Parliament and outside — dictating, in essence, what a successful woman politician’s personal life must look like in public.
It is quite true, writes Leon Trotsky, that there are no limits to male egotism. To change these conditions, we must learn to see through the eyes of women. But the laws are designed by the legislature and judiciary, both of which have remained glaringly female-deficient in India. So, it is women’s experience that despite so-called progressive laws equality — in Parliament and in homes — remains out of reach for most. No law gives men the sole right to partake in decision-making processes, yet political parties remain male-dominated and mostly male-headed. No party mandates men be given more tickets, but they are, and the reason cited for it is better winnability and more economic muscle.
No law silences women politicians either. This is not necessary since by the time they enter politics, they have already been taught by our society to become good listeners and to carry out the orders of men. This is why all hell breaks loose if a Mayawati (of the earlier days) or a Uma Bharti or a Mahua Moitra erupts in rage, when, quite unlike their male counterparts, their personal lives are dragged through the mud without their permission. True, no law takes away their privacy, but women in politics do not have any privacy because their opponents are forever rummaging among their family roots, friends and even their personal correspondence. As soon as an estranged and disgruntled male in their lives comes up, there is no limit to the public humiliation they can be subjected to.
The Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, passed by both Houses in September, reserves 33 per cent seats in Parliament and state assemblies for women. But it could take time to implement it. In Parliament, the BJP has the largest number of women MPs, but they mostly maintained a stoic silence every time figures for crimes against women went up, especially in states governed by the party. They only raised their voices in protest inside and outside of Parliament when they sat in Opposition.
Publicity being the silver bullet for winning elections, electoral coverage, including leaders’ speeches, are spectacular “events”. But it is clear from the coverage that their cheerleaders in the media and the women in dominant political parties have never thought of themselves as real participants. They act out roles choreographed by men.
In this bleak scenario, 33 per cent reservation in Parliament opens up many possibilities, but they will be realised after a long delimitation process around 2029. Apart from giving women a greater presence in Parliament and state assemblies, this could and should also increase minority and SC/ST women’s representation in our legislature. But is Indian politics ready for this? Going by the male dominance in our present political decision-making process as well as some recent judgments, the law appears to agree with the standpoint of (male) power being put forth by their highest officials (male again), on the relations between law and society. If this doesn’t change, the new law may change nothing much except the percentage of women in constitutional bodies.
To maximise the benefits of women’s reservation, the first step should be to reclaim the reality of women’s experience. What is the reality women parliamentarians face on ground zero? In the book, She, The Leader, by Nidhi Sharma, Smriti Irani, a great defender of the government and a powerful speaker, is quoted as saying, “The problem is that when a woman gets attacked, she gets attacked for her character but never for her policymaking.” An MP from the Opposition, Mahua Moitra is determined to fight on. “We need to keep standing straight and standing up to these… bullies. No matter what the personal cost to each of us is…” she tweeted.
The writer is former chairperson, Prasar Bharti
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