As the Ram Mandir inauguration commands the headlines next month, one of the unnecessary debates that will arise before the forthcoming general elections is about secularism. The ruling party and its supporters claim that the Congress’ (and the INDIA alliance’s) advocacy of secularism is nothing but minority appeasement, an insincere pandering to the prejudices of non-Hindus in order to get their votes. Allow me to set them straight.

Secularism is a key value entwined in the Congress’ DNA, and it goes back to before the founding of the Republic. The Congress strived to prevent Partition before finally surrendering to the inevitable, but when it occurred, the party never accepted the logic that since Pakistan had ostensibly been created for India’s Muslims, what remained was a state for Hindus. Its pre-eminent leaders, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, and Nehru’s colleagues and successors, all lived up to the lifelong conviction that India belonged to all who had contributed to its history and civilization and that the majority community had a special obligation to protect the rights, and promote the well-being, of India’s minorities. In both governmental policy and personal practice, the Congress stood for an idea of India that embraced those of every religion, caste, ethnicity, or language.

Nehru saw our country as an “ancient palimpsest” on which successive rulers and subjects had inscribed their visions without erasing what had been asserted previously. In his view, we not only coexisted but thrived in our diversity, which is our strength. He was followed in the Congress by a generation of secular nationalists who echoed this tradition, making “unity in diversity” the most hallowed of independent India’s self-defining slogans. Sardar Patel, whom the current government has tried to appropriate, exemplified this by his actions to protect Muslims during the Partition riots in Delhi in 1947. Not only did he usher terrified Muslims in Old Delhi into a safe haven at the Red Fort, but he himself offered prayers at the Nizamuddin Dargah, symbolizing his respect for Islam.

The Congress is thus the political embodiment of India’s pluralism and a strong, committed voice for the preservation of secularism as its fundamental reflection. We need to reaffirm our belief in these values and
keep reiterating them at every opportunity. The BJP’s abandonment of Indian pluralism in pursuit of the folly of a Hindu Rashtra has made minorities insecure and foreign friends anxious. Those in the INDIA alliance, including some Congressmen, who feel obliged to echo their majoritarianism in a weak-kneed pandering to “Hindu sentiment”, are wrong, because why would any voter thus inclined choose “Hindutva Lite”, a pale imitation, over the original?

The Congress’ leadership’s answer to the BJP’s brazen majoritarianism is derided by some commentators as “soft Hindutva”. As I have explained at length in my book Why I Am a Hindu (2018), our Hinduism (for those of us in the Congress who are Hindu) is not Hindutva (which is a purely political ideology). When we speak of our Hinduism, it is not in pale imitation of their bigotry and chauvinism, which we reject. It is to neutralise their communal appeal by pointing out that we too share Hinduism, albeit an inclusive version of the faith, rather than a bigoted one.

This was taught to the world a century and a quarter ago by Swami Vivekananda, who spoke of a Hinduism that not merely tolerates other faiths but accepts them as they are. Tolerance, after all, is a patronising idea; the tolerant ruler is essentially saying: “I have the Truth; you are in error; but I will magnanimously indulge you in your right to be wrong”. Acceptance is different: the Hindu ruler, in Vivekananda’s view, says “I believe I have the Truth; you believe you have the Truth; I will respect your Truth, please respect my Truth.” This acceptance of difference has been key to our country’s survival as a multi-religious land, and indeed as a multi-lingual, multi-cultural society and a diverse democracy.

Throughout the decades after Independence, the political culture of the country reflected these “secular” assumptions and attitudes. Three Presidents have been Muslims; so were innumerable Governors, Cabinet Ministers, Chief Ministers of states, Ambassadors, Generals, and Supreme Court Justices (and Chief Justices). During the war with Pakistan in 1971, the Army Commander was a Parsi, General (later Field-Marshal) Sam Manekshaw; the General Officer Commanding the forces that marched into Bangladesh was a Sikh, General Jasjit Singh Aurora; the Admiral commanding our Western Fleet was a Christian, Vice Admiral Elenjikal Chandy Kuruvila; the Assistant Chief of Air Staff for Plans was a Muslim, Air Vice Marshal (later Air Chief Marshal) Idris Hasan Latif; and the General flown in to negotiate the surrender of the Pakistani forces in East Bengal was Jewish, General J.F. R. Jacob. That is India.

I have visited the memorial in Diu in tribute to INS Kukri, a navy frigate and the only warship that was sunk during the war with Pakistan, taking with it the lives of Captain Mulla, 18 Officers, and 176 Sailors. The memorial has engraved all the names of those who went down with the ship. It is immeasurably moving to see how the list comprises Indians hailing from all parts of the country, all religions, and all castes and creeds. Their collective sacrifice, which brings tears to one’s eyes, is an important reminder that patriotism is championed by all Indians and that no one community can claim to be the only, or even the principal, voice of Indian nationalism and desh-bhakti.

Our differences from the BJP on this issue are stark. We seek to empower Muslims, not marginalise them in ghettoes. We give election tickets to Muslim candidates; the BJP is the first government in independent India’s history to have no elected Muslim MP in the Lok Sabha, and currently no nominated one in the Rajya Sabha either. The BJP’s supporters engineer anti-minority violence to promote polarisation; we seek to douse the flames, not justify the rage. We work to improve the economic status of minorities, instead of pretending that’s irrelevant.

It is this approach, respect for India’s diversity – perhaps debatably labelled as “secularism” when it could as easily have been called “pluralism” -- that is being questioned today in an effort to redefine nationalism in more sectarian terms.

The ruling party’s architects are limited by a lack of vision and an absence of great-heartedness, that prevents them from seeing the larger principle that India has always defined for the world. But most passionately proud citizens of the country would resist any attempts to reduce India to a Hindutva version of Pakistan. That would be a betrayal of the Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, who gave his life for Hindu-Muslim unity, as well as for the very essence of what it means to be Indian. The Congress must be a bastion of that vision of India that it helped forge in the crucible of the republic’s founding.

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Don't reduce India into Hindutva Pakistan

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17.12.2023

As the Ram Mandir inauguration commands the headlines next month, one of the unnecessary debates that will arise before the forthcoming general elections is about secularism. The ruling party and its supporters claim that the Congress’ (and the INDIA alliance’s) advocacy of secularism is nothing but minority appeasement, an insincere pandering to the prejudices of non-Hindus in order to get their votes. Allow me to set them straight.

Secularism is a key value entwined in the Congress’ DNA, and it goes back to before the founding of the Republic. The Congress strived to prevent Partition before finally surrendering to the inevitable, but when it occurred, the party never accepted the logic that since Pakistan had ostensibly been created for India’s Muslims, what remained was a state for Hindus. Its pre-eminent leaders, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, and Nehru’s colleagues and successors, all lived up to the lifelong conviction that India belonged to all who had contributed to its history and civilization and that the majority community had a special obligation to protect the rights, and promote the well-being, of India’s minorities. In both governmental policy and personal practice, the Congress stood for an idea of India that embraced those of every religion, caste, ethnicity, or language.

Nehru saw our country as an “ancient palimpsest” on which successive rulers and subjects had inscribed their visions without erasing what had been asserted previously. In his view, we not only coexisted but thrived in our diversity, which is our strength. He was followed in the Congress by a generation of secular nationalists who echoed this tradition, making “unity in diversity” the most hallowed of independent India’s self-defining slogans. Sardar Patel, whom the current government has tried to appropriate, exemplified this by his actions to protect Muslims........

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