From Rathayatra to Pran Pratishtha, Indian politics has come a full circle. If LK Advani is to be credited for initiating the process of bringing the Ram Mandir into Indian politics, then Prime Minister Narendra Modi gets the credit for taking it to its logical conclusion.
Before Advani's Rathayatra, the idea of religion in politics was never mainstream, though some politicians and parties did try to exploit religious sentiments for electoral purposes. The Congress is blamed for Muslim appeasement, which is well-founded, but Muslims didn't dictate the politics of the Congress. In the Modi era, religion has taken centre-stage and no party can afford to ignore it.
The reality today is that within the domain of a secular Constitution, religion is dictating terms in politics. If independent India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru had a problem with then President of India, Rajendra Prasad, attending the consecration of Somnath Temple, it is now 180 degrees opposite with Modi proudly visiting Hindu temples and not hesitant to position himself a devout Hindu leader.
Only history will judge whether Nehru was right or Modi is. Nehru was of the firm opinion that in modern India, in a plural society with diverse faiths, the state should not be seen to be aligning with any particular religion; gods and faiths should remain in the private space of an individual. For him, secularism did not mean negation of the religion, secularism was respect to all religions. It is a wrong perception that Nehru was anti-religion - he was, in fact, deeply spiritual, though he eschewed ritualism.
Nehru tries to answer the question himself. "What is religion?" he asks, proceeding to venture an answer, "Probably it consists of the inner development of individuals, the evolution of his consciousness in a certain direction, which is considered good... religion lays stress on this inner change and considers outward change as but the projection of this inner development." Today, religion has been reduced to exhibitionism. The reason is politicisation of religion.
It is frequently said that Mahatma Gandhi was not against mixing religion with politics. This is partly true. Gandhi said, "I can say without the slightest hesitation and yet in all humility, that those who say that religion has nothing to do with politics do not know what religion means." But, for Gandhi, religion was not as we understand it today; for him religion in politics meant the primacy of ethics and moral values in politics. Politics, for him, was the search for truth. He said, "My devotion to truth has drawn me into the field of politics." Today, politics is everything but the search for truth, devoid of moral and ethical values. Today, politics is electoral gains by all means, and it is true for all parties. Since the BJP is better equipped to milk the religious sentiments of people, it is far ahead of the rest in electoral politics.
Surprisingly, before Balasaheb Deoras became the chief of the RSS, the BJP/Jana Sangh were reluctant to explore the religious dimension of politics. The first chief of RSS, KB Hedgewar, mainly focused on discipline and organisation, as he believed that Hindus had been ruled by others for centuries because Hindus were not united. The second chief, MS Golwalkar, laid the ideological architecture of Hindutva but politics was not his strong point. It was Deoras, less of a theoretician and more of an activist, who was extremely political.
In the early 1980s, when the BJP was struggling for ideological clarity, he realised that Ram, the greatest icon of Hindu culture, could be a unifying force. Until then the BJP had not taken the Babri Masjid issue very seriously. It was Deoras who instructed the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) to take up the cause in a big way. In fact, the RSS was not sure at first that the Ayodhya issue could capture the imagination of the Hindus. The success of Ekatmata Yatra by VHP paved the way for the Ayodhya movement. Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay wrote in his book - The Demolition, and the Verdict - "But in 1983, the RSS leadership did not have the confidence to push this belief among Hindus".
In April 1984, a Dharma Sansad was called, where the demand for the restoration of three religious places - Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura - was raised. In June 1984, the Ram Janmabhoomi Mukti Yagna Samiti was formed to carry forward the cause of Ram Temple. But the Ram Temple cause resonated with a section of Hindus only after Advani launched his Rathayatra in 1990. It is, however, debatable whether this was a counter to the Mandal movement, which had created great convulsions in the society, or a campaign to propel the idea of liberation of Ram for Hindu resurgence.
Once the movement gained momentum, the BJP led by Advani realised its potential, and since then, has not looked back. The BJP's vote share and its seats in parliamentary elections grew manifold. If in 1984 the BJP could manage only two seats and an almost 7% vote share, then in 1991, when it contested alone, the BJP won 120 seats with a 20.07% vote share. By then it had governments in four states - Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh.
In 1996, under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the BJP formed a government at the centre, though only for 13 days. It was indicative that the tide had turned and the BJP would be a big force in Indian politics. In 1998, it formed a coalition government, and the rest is history.
The BJP's growth is phenomenal. From two seats in 1984 to 303 in 2019, the party has arrived in Indian politics. Its rise has run parallel to the massive decline of the once hegemonic Congress.
Increasingly, Congress leaders are temple hopping to show that they are not opposed to Hindu religion. Amid preps for the consecration of the Ram Temple, no leader or party can say they are opposed to the mega event. The Congress has said it has decided to not visit Ayodhya on 22 January, but no one has said they will not go for a Darshan of Ram, either before or after the inauguration. A few Congress leaders have already visited Ayodhya. For this, only one man should be credited - PM Modi.
After the Supreme Court verdict, it was Modi who pushed for the construction of the Ram Temple, and now it is being inaugurated, with parliamentary elections only three months away. The timing is perfect.
The Ram Mandir has an overwhelming presence that has eclipsed all else. No one, including political parties, is talking about price rise and unemployment. Opposition leaders questioning the Ayodhya festivities are labelled "anti-Ram and anti-Hindu".
Modi has firmly established the centrality of religion in today's politics. How it pans out remains to be seen. This, however, is not what Gandhi meant by religion in politics.
(Ashutosh is author of 'Hindu Rashtra' and Editor, satyahindi.com.)
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Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author.
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