Workers prepare ballot papers at the general elections logistics warehouse on Dec. 22 in Surabaya, Indonesia. Indonesia’s General Election Commission workers sorted out and prepared ballot papers, boxes, ink and voting booth materials ahead of Indonesia’s upcoming general election which is scheduled for February 14, 2024.
2024 will be the biggest election year in history. 4.2 billion people, or more than half of humanity, live in countries with upcoming elections.
Can democracy survive it?
That question may sound cynical. But, in the 21st century, romantic ideas of democracy are dying. The latest global reports show democracy contracting across every world region. And elections rarely renew faith in democracy. They produce little change, inspiring frustration. Authoritarian rulers use them to consolidate power. They divide societies and inspire violence.
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Elections can also make democracies vulnerable to outside attack. That’s apparent in Taiwan, which has national elections on Jan. 14. On my recent visit there, Vincent Chao of the ruling Democratic Progressive Party, told me that the election itself was a form of national security against China, which insists it will reunify with the island nation — by force if necessary.
“Democracy is our best defense,” Chao said.
But democracy also makes Taiwan vulnerable. The Chinese government and its proxies exploit the island’s open politics to spread misinformation and raise doubts about democracy itself. Chinese influence operations reach every neighborhood; many of Taiwan’s elected neighborhood presidents have received Chinese financial support, typically via free trips to the mainland.
Despite this, Taiwan’s election is freer and fairer than most. 2024’s first election, in Bangladesh on Jan. 7, will merely cement existing rule; the main opposition party is refusing to contest the election. Pakistan’s Feb. 8 election is likely only to add to conflict involving the country’s most popular politician, former premier Imran Khan, and the powerful military. And in Iran, the ruling mullahs are disqualifying thousands of candidates in March 1 parliamentary elections.
On Feb. 14, Indonesia will host the world’s largest single-day election, with more than 250,000 candidates competing for 20,000 offices at all political levels. But the country’s termed-out president, Joko Widodo, after weakening local democracy and a national anti-corruption commission, is using state power to back a successor, Prabowo Subianto, with record of human rights abuses.
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On March 17, both Russia and Ukraine are scheduled to hold elections. But it’s likely that only Russia’s unfree and unfair voting will go forward. Ukraine’s democratic election, meanwhile, may be postponed to protect its voters from being killed by Russian bombs.
In the spring, some crucial elections could reveal whether oppositions can reverse democratic decline. On April 10, South Korea holds legislative elections in which the political opposition seeks to check President Yoon Suk Yeol, who has reduced womens’ rights and press freedoms.
In May, South Africa’s opposition alliance can take power from the party that has ruled South Africa since apartheid’s end 30 years ago.
Growing authoritarianism is the backdrop for the world’s largest election, India’s month-long voting in April and May. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a Hindu nationalist, is a heavy favorite to win a third five-year term. But his increasingly autocratic behavior includes limiting the power of regions, punishing critics and a crackdown in Kashmir.
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The world’s second biggest election will come in the European Union, where 400 million voters across 27 countries will elect the European Parliament in June. But far-right, anti-migrant parties hostile to democracy will likely make significant gains.
Across many countries holding elections in 2024, there are serious questions about the administration of polling. Nowhere are such questions bigger than in Mexico, where the outgoing president and his ruling party, Morena, stripped the independent national election institute, or INE, of staff and money to organize the June 2 balloting.
Then there’s the U.S. presidential election in November. Donald Trump still claims, falsely, to have won the 2020 election, and defends his 2021 insurrection. Nevertheless, he is leading in the polls, and pledging to bring “dictatorship” if he regains the presidency.
The prospect of a dictator leading the so-called “free world” may test whether there is still a God who, as Bismarck is supposed to have said, “protects idiots, drunkards, children and the United States of America.”
By year’s end, earthlings may feel as though they’ve lived through one long global election — and may start wondering if there is a better way.
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If they do, they might look to the global movement to establish governing assemblies of everyday people, chosen by lottery, as alternatives to elected bodies.
They might also start rethinking the nation-state itself. Nation-states simultaneously seem too small to address planetary challenges like climate change, pandemics and war, and too big to meet the needs of local communities.
If the point of democracy is to solve our problems, then national elections may come to seem beside the point. 2024 could then inspire interest in new democratic tools to better govern our local communities and our world.
Joe Mathews is Democracy Editor and California columnist at Zócalo Public Square, and founder of the new global publication Democracy Local.
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