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On Tuesday, Harvard president Claudine Gay resigned. She, like previously defenestrated University of Pennsylvania president Liz Magill, had been facing heavy criticism for her appearance at a Dec. 5 House committee hearing at which Republican New York Rep. Elise Stefanik asked them if “calling for the genocide of Jews” would violate their campus codes of conduct. Both said it would depend on contextual factors, such as whether it was directed at a specific person or group—an answer that has been defended by free-speech advocates but criticized by others for failing to express sufficient abhorrence of anti-Jewish bigotry.

Gay and Magill’s critics were led by a handful of Israel supporters in the financial world, like Bill Ackman and Marc Rowan, as well as Republicans like Stefanik, Donald Trump speechwriter Stephen Miller, and right-wing activist Christopher Rufo. The groups have found common ground in the idea that the slogans “from the river to the sea” and “globalize the intifada,” which have been used during campus protests since Hamas’ Oct. 7 attacks in Israel, constitute antisemitic harassment and that Gay and Magill did too little to protect Jewish students on campus. (Gay’s critics have also accused her of plagiarizing passages in her academic work. An initial university review, in the words of the Harvard Crimson student paper, found that Gay was not guilty of any “serious wrongdoing,” but she has requested that citations to other work be added to the passages in question.)

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The national press—and in particular the New York Times—has covered the Harvard and Penn scandals in great detail, to the point that the Times posted a “live blog,” a type of coverage usually reserved for the most stunning geopolitical developments, about Gay’s resignation. This coverage has been met with its own backlash from liberal and leftist critics. They complain that the Times’ level of interest in what happens on Ivy League campuses is disproportionate to their importance to regular Americans. They argue that this kind of relentless coverage is reflective of an elitist myopia that prevents national media outlets (and their readers) from understanding the gravity of any number of other more materially pressing crises in American life.

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It is true that only a tiny fraction of United States residents attend Ivy League universities and that many of them come from privileged backgrounds, although Harvard—which offers substantial financial aid packages—actually enrolls more students from low-income backgrounds than many other private colleges and a number of state schools. Either way, though, it doesn’t follow that what Ivy League students or presidents are saying about Israel is a distraction. Actually, it’s quite directly related to the question of whether the U.S. should provide military support to a war effort that has destroyed much of Gaza and killed thousands of Palestinian civilians. That issue is what is at stake in the debate about what is being said on campus, and not exclusively because Ivy League students are known to advance in fields of political influence once they graduate.

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In a big picture sense, it’s a fool’s errand to try to separate the discussion of moral questions from narratives that help make those questions more comprehensible and relatable. As is (presumably) said in classes at Harvard, man is a storytelling animal. Reading the Odyssey isn’t a distraction from questions about humans’ obligations to one another or what qualities make a person “good”; the story is about those weighty matters.

Critiques of the Times often assert that it fails the public by giving stories about Ivy League protests more prominence than those about civilian deaths. But how could a reader have a strong reaction to a story about pro- or anti-Zionist activism on campus with already knowing that Hamas killed Israeli civilians on Oct. 7 and that the Israeli military has attacked Gaza in retaliation? Taking a position about which protesting or counterprotesting student groups on campus are in the right is also a judgment about more distant entities in the Middle East. An audience that didn’t know what was happening in Gaza would not care whether “from the river to the sea” was a call to genocide.

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Proxy wars on elite campuses are particularly meaningful on this issue given that Israel policy in the U.S. is historically determined as much from the top down as from the grassroots up. The U.S.-Israel relationship rarely ranks high in polls that ask voters what issues are most important to them, but being unwilling to vote for military aid to the country—and, specifically, to vote for aid that isn’t preconditioned on abiding by human rights conventions or participating in peace negotiations—can make it difficult to even run for Congress. That’s in part because of the effective lobbying of groups like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which raises money from a small but ideologically committed group of voters who believe that U.S. support for Israel is a matter of existential importance for Jews. AIPAC’s position is generally that criticism of the Israeli government belies some sort of antisemitism, and it’s been successful in enforcing that standard in Washington, across both parties. Depart from the consensus and you’ll find yourself the subject of a public pressure campaign and/or a very well-funded primary challenge. (Public opinion polls find that Americans generally consider themselves “pro-Israel,” but that doesn’t always translate into support for Israel’s leaders or military campaigns.)

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Some of the people who give this position its strength work in business and finance and have strong ties to Ivy League universities. The same is true of members of Congress, political operatives, and the political press corps. There’s a lot of Ivy in that crew—and while leftists might be right that this isn’t good for society as a whole, in a material sense it also means that cracks in the orthodoxy about Israel can spread from elite campuses to other spheres of political influence. There’s a revolving door between the government and top colleges: Executive-branch officials and legislators often take fellowships after leaving office, while professors and administrators (and their ideas) migrate to the Cabinet or other high-level positions. New graduates staff political offices and fill the junior ranks of financial and legal firms with outsized political influence.

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Bill Ackman, for one, seems deeply concerned about the possibility that Israel criticism will leak through the Ivies’ wrought-iron gates. His first move against Harvard was a campaign to convince other Wall Street firms not to hire anyone associated with a controversial student-group letter that blamed Israel for provoking Hamas’ attack. On the other side of the issue, Palestinian activists told the Times they believed the pressure on Magill was reflective of the suppression of criticism of Israel on campuses across the country, while in Washington, hundreds of young political staffers—many of them, no doubt, recent Ivy alums—have been pressuring their bosses to demand that Israel cease its military assault. If the U.S. ever does condition or otherwise temper its support for Israel, the battle will have, in part, been won in “elite circles” at places like Harvard and Penn. And a news publication that ignored this wouldn’t be doing its job. That said, the live blog might have been overkill.

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The New York Times Coverage of Elite College Campuses and Israel Isn’t Overkill

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04.01.2024
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On Tuesday, Harvard president Claudine Gay resigned. She, like previously defenestrated University of Pennsylvania president Liz Magill, had been facing heavy criticism for her appearance at a Dec. 5 House committee hearing at which Republican New York Rep. Elise Stefanik asked them if “calling for the genocide of Jews” would violate their campus codes of conduct. Both said it would depend on contextual factors, such as whether it was directed at a specific person or group—an answer that has been defended by free-speech advocates but criticized by others for failing to express sufficient abhorrence of anti-Jewish bigotry.

Gay and Magill’s critics were led by a handful of Israel supporters in the financial world, like Bill Ackman and Marc Rowan, as well as Republicans like Stefanik, Donald Trump speechwriter Stephen Miller, and right-wing activist Christopher Rufo. The groups have found common ground in the idea that the slogans “from the river to the sea” and “globalize the intifada,” which have been used during campus protests since Hamas’ Oct. 7 attacks in Israel, constitute antisemitic harassment and that Gay and Magill did too little to protect Jewish students on campus. (Gay’s critics have also accused her of plagiarizing passages in her academic work. An initial university review, in the words of the Harvard Crimson student paper, found that Gay was not guilty of any “serious wrongdoing,” but she has requested that citations to other work be added to the passages in question.)

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The national press—and in particular the New York Times—has covered the Harvard and Penn scandals in great detail, to the point that the Times posted a “live blog,” a type of coverage usually reserved for the most stunning geopolitical developments, about Gay’s resignation. This coverage has been met with its own backlash from liberal and leftist critics. They complain that the Times’ level of interest in what happens on Ivy League campuses is........

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