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President Joe Biden and his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, will meet this Wednesday for what could be their most consequential diplomatic rendezvous in many years.

The question—which the meeting won’t decide, but will go a ways toward answering—is whether the United States and China are inevitably cruising toward confrontation, as some military officers have predicted, or whether the two countries can strike some balance between engagement and competition, and, in the process, bring stability to the world.

The two leaders, who will have a one-on-one session during this week’s Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference in San Francisco, haven’t spoken with, much less seen, each other since a similar get-together at the G20 summit in Bali, Indonesia, exactly one year ago.

Since that earlier summit, a series of incidents and misunderstandings have plunged US-China relations—never quite harmonious—into a state of suspicion and hostility reminiscent of the Cold War. There was the shootdown of a wayward Chinese spy balloon that drifted across America, a string of steadily aggressive military exercises near Taiwan, the ramming of a Philippine boat in the South China Sea—and a series of countermoves by the U.S., Japan, Australia, and the Philippines that showed, depending on one’s outlook, the vitality of America’s alliances or the danger of escalation and war.

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Amid all this high drama, Chinese officers cut off their once-routine communications with U.S. military leaders, while Xi stepped up his alliance with Russian President Vladimir Putin and (sort of) voiced support of Hamas in its war with Israel.

Yet in the past few months, a few streaks of sunlight have pierced through the gloom. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen and Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo had cordial, productive meetings with their Chinese counterparts; national security adviser Jake Sullivan did the same with foreign minister Yang Wi; Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Xi himself, as did a congressional delegation, to whom the Chinese leader said there were “1,000 reasons to make U.S.-China relations better and no reason to make them worse.”

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Biden has said several times that he has no desire to undermine the rule of Xi’s Chinese Communist Party (though he will continue to speak out against their human rights violations and unfair trade practices). He has also denied any intention to recognize Taiwan as an “independent” state (though he will continue to supply and train its military for self-defense). Finally, he has cited several global issues—food security, climate change, pandemics, the spread of opiates, and the perils of artificial intelligence—that can be solved only through U.S.-China cooperation.

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The fact that Xi is coming to San Francisco (his first trip to the U.S. in six years), and has agreed to meet with Biden one-on-one (far from a sure thing just a few weeks ago), suggests that he too wants to calm tensions with Washington and to resume active engagement on at least some issues.

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One question, though, is how far Xi is willing to go toward this détente—and why. The Chinese economy is on a downturn, in part due to Xi’s reassertion of central government control, and in part because Western companies have been pulling out of their investments. Xi was also surprised that his chumminess with Putin over the war in Ukraine repelled leaders not just in Washington but in all of Europe—a continent where Xi would like to make political and economic partners. Is he talking nice simply in order to lure investors back into his firms and Western politicians back in his court?

Wednesday’s meeting won’t reveal an answer to that question, but Xi’s attitude and demeanor—his willingness to present or accept cooperative approaches to one or two of the issues on the table—should tell Biden whether it’s worthwhile to send emissaries to meet with their Chinese counterparts on a wide range of matters over the rest of his term: that is, whether it’s worthwhile to explore how far Xi is willing to go.

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Elizabeth Economy—a longtime China expert, recently a senior adviser at the Commerce Department, now a senior fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution—has her doubts. In a recent speech at the American Academy in Berlin, she said that China and the U.S. are split on too many fundamental issues for this one meeting to be transformative. China has 14 border disputes with its neighbors (the question of Taiwan’s ownership and the proper lines of demarcation in the South China Sea are only the best known); it wants to become the dominant power in the Pacific; and it is creating its own multinational agencies and asserting its own currency as part of a campaign to create an international order quite apart from—and in competition with—the one dominated by the U.S.

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To these ends, Xi is siding with Russia in its war on Ukraine, and with Hamas in its war on Israel, not so much because of the stakes involved but because those wars are gobbling up American war supplies and Washington’s attention—and, therefore, diverting supplies and attention from Asia Pacific, especially from Taiwan. In short, these wars, and America’s involvement in them, make China feel more secure.

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White House officials say Biden and Xi will discuss the full range of issues that affect both countries—including Ukraine and the Middle East. Biden may try to persuade Xi that he has nothing to fear from the U.S. military in the Pacific and therefore should feel no need to support Russia or Hamas, especially since neither Russia nor Hamas does anything to help China. Yet Biden also needs to keep stationing aircraft carriers in the Pacific, supplying arms to Taiwan, enforcing maritime boundaries as recognized by international law (as opposed to the boundaries asserted by China), and maintaining the complex network of political and military alliances in the region—all while insisting he poses no threat to China, even though a big point of these alliances is to deter and contain Chinese aggression.

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Complicating this further is that Xi’s acts of aggression are driven, to some degree, by desire to keep American warships away from China’s borders. As with many confrontations throughout world history, one leader’s belligerence is another leader’s deterrence. In other words, the U.S. and China have very different interests, so each country is acting in a way that defends or asserts those interests—while challenging, even threatening, the other side’s interests.

It’s hard to be peaceful and friendly under these circumstances. Yet it’s vital to try. And other countries, in far more dangerous confrontations, have done so.

During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union signed several arms control treaties, took cooperative measures to keep other countries from going nuclear, and jointly developed a smallpox vaccine—even while fighting or abetting several proxy wars and competitively promoting very different visions of international order.

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Can the U.S. and China figure out a similar mix, to their mutual benefit?

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There are differences between the two international faceoffs. By the final years of the Cold War, the Soviet Union was a sclerotic power—”a gas station with nuclear weapons,” as the late Sen. John McCain once called it—offering the world nothing but a bankrupt ideology. In contrast, the People’s Republic of China, even with its repressive political system, is a vibrant (if somewhat declining) economy, an importer and exporter of attractive consumer products, the holder of a substantial portion of Western debt—in short, a vital country that isn’t about to shrivel up or implode.

At the same time, the United States, while the world’s most powerful nation by most measures, suffers from myriad political dysfunctions, not least a public (and Congress) divided on the issue of how much it wants to remain a world leader. In other words, when Xi calculates how much he wants or needs to compromise, or alter the timetable of his goals, for the sake of good relations with the U.S., he has to wonder whether Biden and his team will remain in power, and thus whether any deal he strikes with them will remain in effect for another year or for another five years.

To paraphrase Trotsky, many Americans are no longer interested in the world, but the world is still interested in us. What Biden and Xi say and do on Wednesday will shape what policies both men pursue in the coming weeks and months—but their paths may be prolonged or disrupted by what American voters do a year from now.

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QOSHE - Biden Is About to Have One of the Most Consequential Diplomatic Meetings in Years - Fred Kaplan
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Biden Is About to Have One of the Most Consequential Diplomatic Meetings in Years

5 1
14.11.2023
Tweet Share Share Comment

President Joe Biden and his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, will meet this Wednesday for what could be their most consequential diplomatic rendezvous in many years.

The question—which the meeting won’t decide, but will go a ways toward answering—is whether the United States and China are inevitably cruising toward confrontation, as some military officers have predicted, or whether the two countries can strike some balance between engagement and competition, and, in the process, bring stability to the world.

The two leaders, who will have a one-on-one session during this week’s Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference in San Francisco, haven’t spoken with, much less seen, each other since a similar get-together at the G20 summit in Bali, Indonesia, exactly one year ago.

Since that earlier summit, a series of incidents and misunderstandings have plunged US-China relations—never quite harmonious—into a state of suspicion and hostility reminiscent of the Cold War. There was the shootdown of a wayward Chinese spy balloon that drifted across America, a string of steadily aggressive military exercises near Taiwan, the ramming of a Philippine boat in the South China Sea—and a series of countermoves by the U.S., Japan, Australia, and the Philippines that showed, depending on one’s outlook, the vitality of America’s alliances or the danger of escalation and war.

Advertisement

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Amid all this high drama, Chinese officers cut off their once-routine communications with U.S. military leaders, while Xi stepped up his alliance with Russian President Vladimir Putin and (sort of) voiced support of Hamas in its war with Israel.

Yet in the past few months, a few streaks of sunlight have pierced through the gloom. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen and Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo had cordial, productive meetings with their Chinese counterparts; national security adviser Jake Sullivan did the same with foreign minister Yang Wi; Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Xi himself, as did a congressional delegation, to whom the Chinese leader said there were “1,000 reasons to make U.S.-China relations better and no reason to make them worse.”

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