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It was like the breakup scene in a bad rom-com. “It’s got nothing to do with you,” Sen. Lindsey Graham assured Volodymyr Zelensky. “You’ve done everything anybody could ask of you.”

The Ukrainian president had flown 5,000 miles to patch up his fraying relationship with Washington legislators. On his previous two trips, they’d practically hoisted him on their shoulders, cheering him as democracy’s great brave hope. But this time, in a series of meetings on Tuesday, the Republican lawmakers brushed him off, shrugged that the romance was over, then tacked on that hoariest of evasions: It’s not you, it’s us.

It was among the most shameful episodes of a sordid political season—and it could have dangerous consequences worldwide.

Taken by itself, the cause of Ukrainian independence—which requires arming Ukrainian troops to fight off Russia’s invading army—enjoys broad, bipartisan support. But the cause has hit a dire moment. The troops are running out of ammunition. President Biden has asked Congress for $60 billion in emergency supplemental funding to keep them going. But Senate Republicans are telling him: We won’t give you the money—we’ll block the 60-vote majority needed to pass the supplemental funding—unless you let us pass a radical immigration bill that all but locks down America’s southern border and makes it nearly impossible for migrants to apply for asylum.

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Biden says he’s willing to meet the Republican demand for border tightening halfway. But the Republicans want no compromise; they demand a Senate version of a bill that the House passed earlier this year—a bill so extreme that it garnered not a single Democratic vote. And they are willing to do this even if it means the collapse of Ukraine’s defenses against Russia.

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A growing number of Republicans simply don’t care about Ukraine, and they see this moment as an opportunity to put “America First,” as their leader Donald Trump would say. However, several Republicans—Graham among them—do care about Ukraine; they recognize the moral and strategic dimensions of the war; they understand that its outcome is of major importance to U.S. security interests. And yet they have allowed their party’s MAGA majority to put those interests at risk.

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“I told President Zelensky, here’s the problem,” Graham recounted to reporters after a meeting Tuesday morning with a bipartisan group of senators. There’s a “nightmare” on America’s southern border, Graham exclaimed. It’s all Biden’s fault, and he’s got to fix that before Congress can spend another dime to help Ukraine.

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House Speaker Mike Johnson, who also met with Zelensky, had the same message of feckless concern. “We stand with him against Putin’s brutal invasion,” he told reporters. But a supplemental spending bill must first be “about our own national security”—i.e., protecting U.S. borders from migrants, not protecting Ukraine’s from Russian troops, tanks, and missiles.

There are two ironies in this act of political blackmail. First, about two-thirds of the money that Congress spends on Ukraine goes to U.S. defense manufacturers. In other words, this is for the most part not like foreign aid; the vast majority of the money—along with lots of jobs—stays here at home.

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Second, when Biden requested $61.4 billion more in military aid to Ukraine, he also asked for $13.6 billion to fund improvements in U.S. border security—mainly for more agents but also for an extension of Trump’s border wall. It was an all-too-obvious stratagem—an attempt to get buy-in from MAGA Republicans.

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In some ways, this may have been a tactical blunder; in any case, it backfired. When the Republicans refused to pass more Ukraine spending without still more drastic measures on U.S. border security, Biden couldn’t chide them for tying a crucial foreign policy bill to a completely separate, inappropriately contentious domestic matter. He had already tied the two together.

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Biden’s plight is deepened by bad timing. Speaker Johnson has announced the House will definitely go on holiday recess at the end of this week and not return till after the new year. Even if the Senate somehow passes some compromise package, it would have to go to the House for approval, then a House–Senate conference committee to reconcile any differences. In other words, there just isn’t time to get this done.

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Ukraine’s defenses won’t collapse right away. There are still about $4 billion worth of arms in the pipeline. And most European countries provide aid as well. But even if everything turns out fine in the end, the Senate Republicans—simply by playing this game of chicken—have sent a clear message to friends and foes around the world: The United States is not a very reliable ally.

At a White House press conference with Zelensky on Tuesday, Biden noted that the Russian host of a Kremlin-run TV show said on the air, “Well done, Republicans! That’s good for us.” Biden quoted this quip twice, then said, “If you’re being celebrated by Russian propagandists, it might be time to rethink what you’re doing.”

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This is what makes Graham’s complicity in this game—and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s as well—so appalling. They have been enthusiastic supporters of aid to Ukraine. They know what sort of message their mischief sends. History books—the serious ones, the sorts of histories that they might read from time to time—will treat them very unkindly.

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In an upsetting but persuasive interview in Politico, Fiona Hill—the Russia-affairs scholar and former White House aide who testified about then-President Trump’s endangerment of Ukraine—spelled out some of the possible consequences, quite aside from the fall of Kyiv. Putin will be emboldened. Eastern Europe nations may feel they have to cut deals to temper his expansionist ambitions. America’s credibility as an ally will be gravely diminished. NATO, which depends on U.S. leadership, could fall apart. Chinese President Xi Jinping might start thinking he could get away with invading, or at least blockading, Taiwan. North Korea’s Kim Jong Un could start taking dangerous risks as well. Our Asian allies, especially Japan and South Korea, may feel they have to provide for their own security, and therefore start building nuclear bombs. (They have the technical know-how.) China could respond by accelerating its own nuclear buildup—and could tighten its alliance with North Korea, Russia, and (the better to maximize America’s isolation) Iran.

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This is not a paranoid fantasy. It is a quite plausible scenario. Many of the Republicans who are putting this all on the line don’t understand what they’re doing—or don’t care. The others—the likes of Graham and McConnell—should be ashamed of themselves.

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Biden is reportedly intensifying his efforts to strike some sort of deal with Senate Republicans. In the end, he may have to cave, concluding reluctantly that he has no choice—that keeping Ukraine going is worth the price of an extreme, even inhumane border bill. However, he would at the same time have to wonder whether enough of his fellow Democrats share his priorities. Even if he was willing to cave on immigration, they may not be.

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In fact, it’s a fair bet that many of the Republicans who are staging this circus want nothing to come out of these discussions. They want Biden and the Democrats to fail. In the months leading up to the 2024 elections, they want to convey an impression that Biden doesn’t care about the record number of illegal border crossings—and that he lost Ukraine.

This is American politics in the 21st century, and regardless of what happens in Ukraine over the coming weeks, this alone may be enough cause for our power to dwindle and for our allies to drift away.

“The entire world is watching,” Biden said at his press conference Tuesday, “so let’s show them who we are.” At the moment, the self-portrait isn’t pretty.

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Republicans Are Sending a Dangerous Message to the Rest of the World

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13.12.2023
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It was like the breakup scene in a bad rom-com. “It’s got nothing to do with you,” Sen. Lindsey Graham assured Volodymyr Zelensky. “You’ve done everything anybody could ask of you.”

The Ukrainian president had flown 5,000 miles to patch up his fraying relationship with Washington legislators. On his previous two trips, they’d practically hoisted him on their shoulders, cheering him as democracy’s great brave hope. But this time, in a series of meetings on Tuesday, the Republican lawmakers brushed him off, shrugged that the romance was over, then tacked on that hoariest of evasions: It’s not you, it’s us.

It was among the most shameful episodes of a sordid political season—and it could have dangerous consequences worldwide.

Taken by itself, the cause of Ukrainian independence—which requires arming Ukrainian troops to fight off Russia’s invading army—enjoys broad, bipartisan support. But the cause has hit a dire moment. The troops are running out of ammunition. President Biden has asked Congress for $60 billion in emergency supplemental funding to keep them going. But Senate Republicans are telling him: We won’t give you the money—we’ll block the 60-vote majority needed to pass the supplemental funding—unless you let us pass a radical immigration bill that all but locks down America’s southern border and makes it nearly impossible for migrants to apply for asylum.

Advertisement

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Biden says he’s willing to meet the Republican demand for border tightening halfway. But the Republicans want no compromise; they demand a Senate version of a bill that the House passed earlier this year—a bill so extreme that it garnered not a single Democratic vote. And they are willing to do this even if it means the collapse of Ukraine’s defenses against Russia.

Advertisement

A growing number of Republicans simply don’t care about Ukraine, and they see this moment as an opportunity to put “America First,” as their leader Donald Trump would say. However, several Republicans—Graham among them—do care about Ukraine; they recognize the moral and strategic dimensions of the war; they understand that its outcome is of major........

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