Welcome to this week’s edition of the Surge, the newsletter that looks at the world of politics with the same childlike wonder Joe Biden experiences when he looks at Marjorie Taylor Greene.


Never did we think there’d be a week in which the State of the Union was more interesting than the Super Tuesday of a presidential election year, but events have conspired so. Donald Trump and Mitch McConnell are reluctant allies again, and TikTok somehow thought that unleashing a mob of mid-orthodontic children to harass all of Congress might prevent it from getting banned. In exciting news, a promising Senate career was set aflame.


Let’s begin, though, with a Senate career already burnt to the ground.

By Jim Newell

While leaving the Capitol the day she announced that she wouldn’t run for reelection, Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema was asked by reporters whether she had anything else to add. An aide walking alongside her responded, “Blah blah blah blah blah,” Sinema laughed, and she was on her way. It was an appropriate exit for the singularly arrogant senator, who could point to everything but her own shortcomings for her inability to win reelection. In her announcement video, Sinema blamed the mouth-breathing, ungrateful electorate for her decision. “Because I choose civility, understanding, listening, working together to get stuff done, I will leave the Senate at the end of this year,” Sinema said. “I believe in my approach. But it’s not what America wants right now.” If Sinema were less like this, she might not have been in this situation. She played an important part in passing a host of bipartisan bills in the previous Congress. But she barely made herself available to Arizonans, the media, or even her fellow senators while giving K Street and Davos as much attention as they craved. There’s a difference between “centrism” and performing favors for wealthy interests, such as weakening prescription drug pricing legislation or preserving tax breaks for private equity, that the “center” has no interest in and that she feels no obligation to defend to the public. No, being disliked by every constituency in your state happens not because you’re just a little too good at your job. But whatever she has to tell herself.

The bar for the president’s State of the Union address was set extremely low. As long as he didn’t literally yell at a cloud that he confused with an unknown person from his past named Josephine, he would surpass expectations. And so he did! The president, while often slurring his delivery and imperfectly avoiding traps set by Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, delivered an energetic, punchy speech aimed at setting contrasts ahead of the election and baiting the touchy House Republicans in attendance. Determined to prove to America that it wasn’t past his bedtime, the president lingered in the Capitol, yukking it up with members and dignitaries until after the lights in the House chamber were turned off. Republican commentators pivoted their prevailing criticism from “Sleepy Joe” being too old and confused to “Jacked-Up Joe” being too energetic, so the president’s strategy of demonstrating vigor had some purchase. The speech should provide temporary relief to Democrats skittish about Biden’s stamina. Now all he has to do is keep it up for another eight months.

Republicans lucked out with Alabama Sen. Katie Britt’s election in 2022. When Sen. Dick Shelby retired, that Senate seat easily could have gone to a yawping maniac who would humiliate the party daily. Instead, it went to a young, normal person—a former chief of staff to Shelby, in fact—who could continue Shelby’s noble tradition of quietly contorting the military-industrial complex to benefit Alabama’s economy. And she could do it for decades if she so chose. This makes it all the more unusual that Republicans decided to torch her by botching her State of the Union response, which served as her national introduction. First, they put her in a kitchen to deliver her speech. Second, she was wildly overcoached, delivering a hammy performance that sounded nothing like her normal speaking voice. It’s not as if Republicans are saying that the speech was secretly good either. Who made the choice to sabotage Britt here? Asking kind of seriously!

Presidential primary season is not “officially” over, but it’s officially over. Donald Trump won every Super Tuesday GOP contest except Vermont, and Biden won all of his except for American Samoa, which went for some guy from Baltimore. These respective dominations cleared both parties’ fields from remaining “competitors,” with Minnesota Democratic Rep. Dean Phillips and Nikki Haley both dropping out the following day. Haley, however, did not endorse Trump in her quittin’ speech. “It is now up to Donald Trump to earn the votes of those in our party and beyond it who did not support him,” Haley said. “And I hope he does that. At its best, politics is about bringing people into your cause, not turning them away. And our conservative cause badly needs more people. This is now his time for choosing.” The only thing Trump is choosing from here to November is whether he wants to make that Big Mac a combo. The choice is for Haley. For how long can she remain an apostate to the cause and keep her presidential ambitions alive? In 2016 primary runner-up Texas Sen. Ted Cruz made it a while without endorsing Trump, but he eventually did, and now he collects Trump’s dry cleaning. Either Haley has committed to a lonely path or she’s negotiating a convention speaking slot.

With Trump the last man standing in the race and on the verge of securing the nomination, it was time for all of those (non-Haley) Republicans who’d reluctantly pledged, at some point in the past several years, that they would support the party’s presidential nominee to cough it up. That included Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell—who hadn’t spoken to Trump since December 2020—offering his fealty on Wednesday. You can hear the dictated words coming through his gritted teeth as you read the statement. “It is abundantly clear that former President Trump has earned the requisite support of Republican voters to be our nominee for President of the United States,” McConnell (or perhaps his more willing staff members) wrote. “It should come as no surprise that as nominee, he will have my support.” Indeed, no one is surprised. But McConnell seemed defensive about it, appearing as if he might wring the necks of reporters asking him repeated questions about it at his weekly press conference. There had been reporting in recent weeks that the endorsement was under discussion in back-channel talks between the McConnell and Trump camps; perhaps a condition was that Trump, who has repeatedly made racist comments about McConnell’s wife, wouldn’t respond to McConnell’s endorsement with further debasing insults. “Thank you, Mitch,” Trump said on social media afterward. “I look forward to working with you and a Republican Senate MAJORITY to MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!” Excited to see MAGA Mitch on the trail!

The Democratic representative comfortably advanced to the general election in California’s Senate primary on Tuesday and will be a senator when he defeats Republican Steve Garvey in November. How did Adam Schiff pull this off so easily, after all the hype about this blockbuster race between him and Reps. Katie Porter and Barbara Lee? First, his high-profile battles with Trump a few years ago made him a star to the sorts of people who watch MSNBC and have disposable income to donate. House Republicans choosing to censure Schiff kept those checks coming too, as did Schiff’s own high-dollar donor network—and Nancy Pelosi’s. He raked in so much cash that he could afford to spend more than $10 million elevating the profile of Garvey, pushing him into an easy one-on-one race with a Republican in deep-blue California. Schiff’s strategy has been criticized as overly cynical, including by Porter, who attempted the same thing but with a different Republican. But the Surge is pretty certain that Schiff does not care what negative connotations his felled opponents use to describe his tactics, because they worked, and now he’s going to be a senator.

A House committee this week took up a bipartisan bill from Reps. Mike Gallagher and Raja Krishnamoorthi that would require China-based ByteDance to divest itself of TikTok or see it banned from U.S. app stores. The Surge Doctrine states unequivocally that if you have the chance to ban a social media platform, don’t think twice, so this bill looks a little mushy to us by giving TikTok the opportunity to survive. It’s nevertheless a good start. On Thursday, though, TikTok launched a pressure campaign to kill the bill before the committee met. Users of the app were warned that Congress was “planning a total ban” and were urged to call their representatives. This completely backfired, as members were flooded with hysterical and disturbing calls from tweens. Aside from being annoying, this avalanche of shrieking children prompted by TikTok’s misleading description of the bill reinforced proponents’ arguments that a widely used brain-melting app shouldn’t be in hock to a foreign adversary. The bill advanced out of the Energy and Commerce Committee by a unanimous 50–0 vote, and it will get a vote on the House floor. It should be amended to ban the rest of the internet too. Except Slate. And other internet-y things that the Surge uses. How about this: We’ll make a list.

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A Singularly Arrogant Senator Makes a Very Appropriate Exit

8 3
09.03.2024

Welcome to this week’s edition of the Surge, the newsletter that looks at the world of politics with the same childlike wonder Joe Biden experiences when he looks at Marjorie Taylor Greene.


Never did we think there’d be a week in which the State of the Union was more interesting than the Super Tuesday of a presidential election year, but events have conspired so. Donald Trump and Mitch McConnell are reluctant allies again, and TikTok somehow thought that unleashing a mob of mid-orthodontic children to harass all of Congress might prevent it from getting banned. In exciting news, a promising Senate career was set aflame.


Let’s begin, though, with a Senate career already burnt to the ground.

By Jim Newell

While leaving the Capitol the day she announced that she wouldn’t run for reelection, Arizona Sen. Kyrsten Sinema was asked by reporters whether she had anything else to add. An aide walking alongside her responded, “Blah blah blah blah blah,” Sinema laughed, and she was on her way. It was an appropriate exit for the singularly arrogant senator, who could point to everything but her own shortcomings for her inability to win reelection. In her announcement video, Sinema blamed the mouth-breathing, ungrateful electorate for her decision. “Because I choose civility, understanding, listening, working together to get stuff done, I will leave the Senate at the end of this year,” Sinema said. “I believe in my approach. But it’s not what America wants right now.” If Sinema were less like this, she might not have been in this situation. She played an important part in passing a host of bipartisan bills in the previous Congress. But she barely made herself available to Arizonans, the media, or even her fellow senators while giving K Street and Davos as much attention as they craved. There’s a difference between “centrism” and performing favors for wealthy interests, such as weakening prescription drug pricing legislation or preserving tax breaks for private equity, that the “center” has no interest in and that she feels no obligation to defend to the public. No, being disliked by every constituency in your state happens not because you’re just a little too good at your job. But whatever she has to tell herself.

The bar for the president’s State of the Union address was set extremely low. As long as he........

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