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It’s been three years since the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, and much of the initial public horror at the violence has faded, at least on the right. Polling has found Republicans less and less likely to view the Jan. 6 rioters as “violent”; most now think it’s “time to move on.” Some of the insurrectionists have even become martyrs or folk heroes. And, perhaps most tellingly, the new speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, was considered one of the primary architects behind the Stop the Steal movement.

Johnson’s more genteel way of politics may not fit with the image of a rabid crowd storming the Capitol, but he does have something in common with many of the Jan. 6ers: a profound religious conviction in his own cause. In many ways, Johnson seems like a classic leader of the Christian right. His legal career focused on elevating protections for “religious liberty” over the rights of the LGBTQ community. At a more personal level, he hits the traditional cultural markers, taking, for example, his commitments to marriage and avoiding porn to extremes. Scholars of the Christian right have characterized him as a textbook Christian nationalist.

But he’s also something newer. As reporting from the fall showed, Johnson has deep ties to a movement called the New Apostolic Reformation—a network of politically ambitious church leaders, largely pulled from a kind of Christianity called Neo-Charismatic Pentecostalism. NAR leaders (typically known as “apostles”) have been credited with stoking the large and influential Christian nationalist contingent at the Jan. 6 insurrection.

It can be hard to keep track of all these movements and groups—Neo-Charismatic Pentecostalism, the NAR, Christian nationalism, and so on—and tempting to write it all off as a matter of right-wing Christians getting worked up for Donald Trump. But a new book, focused on the political strategies of Neo-Charismatic Pentecostals, makes the case that to really understand the anti-democratic impulse of some of the Christian right, it’s worth examining the segment that believes in a literal battle for the country between the supernatural forces of good and evil—the segment Johnson already has ties to.

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The book is American Evangelicals for Trump: Dominion, Spiritual Warfare, and the End Times, written by André Gagné, professor and chair of the theological studies department at Concordia University in Montreal. It was first published for a French audience in 2020, and Gagné has recently released an updated version for an English-speaking American audience.

To better understand how these Neo-Charismatic Pentecostals rallied their religious influence to push an anti-democratic agenda before Jan. 6, and why it matters that politically motivated leaders in this movement still have strong ties to the GOP, Slate spoke to Gagné on Thursday. This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.

Slate: Let’s start with Johnson and his connection to NAR. What is the New Apostolic Reformation?

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Gagné: The New Apostolic Reformation is essentially a new mode of church governance. It’s a movement that has, as its core idea, apostolic governance. [That is: churches led by “apostles,” people granted leadership authority by God.] It’s about dismantling the way churches function democratically, with elders and the congregation voting for their pastor. This nondemocratic impetus at the church level exhibits itself as the idea of “dominionism” at the social level.

“Dominionism” is the idea that Christians should exercise authority, that the kingdom of God is to be established here on earth now, and it’s the responsibility of Christians to bring that about. This is rooted in a particular reading of the book of Genesis chapter one, where God calls humankind to exercise dominion over the universe. And to do that, Christians need to be able to ascend to the top of “mountains” of culture—religion, politics, education, family, media, and so on.

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You’ve said that not all NAR members are Neo-Charismatic Pentecostals. But the overlap is strong. Who are Neo-Charismatic Pentecostals?

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Neo-Charismatic Pentecostals, or Neo-Pentecostals, put an emphasis very much on the gifts of the Spirit: speaking in tongues, miracles, prophecy, things like that. They’re a third wave of charismatics-slash-Pentecostals who embrace all of these ideas of apostles, prophets, spiritual warfare. Spiritual warfare is very important [to them].

What we have seen during the Trump years is that those that were very close to him were often people that embraced these Neo-Charismatic Pentecostal ideas.

What’s new about them, politically? How are they different from what we traditionally think about when we think about the Christian right?

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The Neo-Charismatics are part of the Christian right, but it’s different from the old Christian right. The Christian right with the Moral Majority in the 1980s was about certain social conservative values. These people are not the same, because we’re in the world of spiritual warfare, where your adversaries are literally understood as being under the influence of demons.

Why would the concept of demonic influence make such a difference?

It has been mainstreamed as an idea, that Christians are waging a spiritual war against demonic forces in the world that have sometimes taken over their political enemies. And spiritual warfare language leads to, eventually, the possibility of violence. It is not just spiritual; it bleeds into the real world. On Jan. 6, they were blowing shofars, a kind of an ancient Jewish trumpet that was sometimes used as a rallying call for battles.

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Why engage in that rhetoric and performance if you’re not hyped up to the point where you’re going to do everything you can to make sure that Donald Trump stays in office? You have these people enacting all of these symbolic things that are reminiscent of very violent actions depicted in the Bible. Actions of genocide and destruction and overturning of rule.

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You make the case that these people aren’t fringe. Are there any Neo-Pentecostal figures with particular prominence?

Paula White-Cain was very close to Trump during his presidency; There was not a rally where Paula White-Cain wasn’t present, and often opening rallies with prayer. Most of the time she engaged in what we call spiritual warfare prayer—prayers that are directed against President Trump’s enemies, against the enemies of Christians. Implying that these demonic forces have a hold on Trump’s political adversaries.

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During Trump’s reelection campaign, there were 20,000 people at the Amway Center [at an Orlando rally in June 2019]. And the first person to show up on the podium is Paula White-Cain. And she’s praying against principalities and powers. To all these 20,000 people, she’s labeling Trump’s adversaries as being influenced by evil supernatural forces. So it’s a way to disqualify Trump’s political adversaries.

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What connection did this religious group have to the events of Jan. 6?

Leading to Jan. 6, they started getting these rallies going on—”Jericho marches.” That refers to a story in the Hebrew Bible in which God has called Joshua to go and circle the city of Jericho and destroy and kill everyone in the city. A lot of these leaders were present, preaching, screaming their heads off about “we’re fighting the spiritual battle against Jezebel,” and so on. Neo-Charismatic Pentecostals with close ties to this idea of New Apostolic Reformation were there.

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Many of these new Charismatic Pentecostal leaders that had supported Trump bought into this big lie that the election had been rigged. And they participated in instigating it, through their rhetoric of spiritual warfare, that they were battling for the soul of America.

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So you’re saying that these Neo-Charismatic Pentecostal leaders promoted the concept of spiritual warfare in such a way that some religious conservatives were then not concerned about democracy?

Yes. You have these people there with their spiritual warfare rhetoric, with their view of dominion, constantly drilling that this is the way to go. They quote scripture: It is the violent that take the kingdom of God by force. But they completely decontextualize that—Jesus doesn’t mean that you have to be violent to take the kingdom of God. They’re using Scripture in a way that is truncated and doesn’t actually reflect careful biblical interpretation. So that’s why I think there’s a danger to democracy.

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You’ve mentioned the Shofars and the Jericho marches as symbols of spiritual warfare. What about Mike Johnson’s “Appeal to Heaven” flag, flown outside his office?

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This flag was very much popularized in the NAR circles. The flag initially was used during the Revolutionary War. The idea of an Appeal to Heaven comes from John Locke, who wrote about this idea of an appeal to heaven against the political idea of the divine right of kings. You can appeal to heaven: There’s someone greater than the king. This concept was against tyranny. It’s interesting how this flag has completely turned. The way that they understand Trump is like a king. You’re using this flag to support the idea that Trump should be president, that he’s chosen by God. So I think all of this speaks very loudly about their profound fascination with power, and ultimate power.

Are the Neo-Charismatic Pentecostal leaders still worth paying attention to?

Now there are new actors left and right, and they’re talking in a way that’s very troubling. So this is why Americans need to pay attention, because they need to understand that a lot of these people have been trying to infiltrate politics, and have been trying to influence politicians for a while. And their goal is to change society. Democracy and pluralism as Americans know it would certainly not be the same with these individuals in power.

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The Radical Evangelicals Who Helped Push Jan. 6 to Wage War on “Demonic Influence”

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06.01.2024
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It’s been three years since the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, and much of the initial public horror at the violence has faded, at least on the right. Polling has found Republicans less and less likely to view the Jan. 6 rioters as “violent”; most now think it’s “time to move on.” Some of the insurrectionists have even become martyrs or folk heroes. And, perhaps most tellingly, the new speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, was considered one of the primary architects behind the Stop the Steal movement.

Johnson’s more genteel way of politics may not fit with the image of a rabid crowd storming the Capitol, but he does have something in common with many of the Jan. 6ers: a profound religious conviction in his own cause. In many ways, Johnson seems like a classic leader of the Christian right. His legal career focused on elevating protections for “religious liberty” over the rights of the LGBTQ community. At a more personal level, he hits the traditional cultural markers, taking, for example, his commitments to marriage and avoiding porn to extremes. Scholars of the Christian right have characterized him as a textbook Christian nationalist.

But he’s also something newer. As reporting from the fall showed, Johnson has deep ties to a movement called the New Apostolic Reformation—a network of politically ambitious church leaders, largely pulled from a kind of Christianity called Neo-Charismatic Pentecostalism. NAR leaders (typically known as “apostles”) have been credited with stoking the large and influential Christian nationalist contingent at the Jan. 6 insurrection.

It can be hard to keep track of all these movements and groups—Neo-Charismatic Pentecostalism, the NAR, Christian nationalism, and so on—and tempting to write it all off as a matter of right-wing Christians getting worked up for Donald Trump. But a new book, focused on the political strategies of Neo-Charismatic Pentecostals, makes the case that to really understand the anti-democratic impulse of some of the Christian right, it’s worth examining the segment that believes in a literal battle for the country between the supernatural forces of good and evil—the segment Johnson already has ties to.

Advertisement

Advertisement

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The book is American Evangelicals for Trump: Dominion, Spiritual Warfare, and the End Times, written by André Gagné, professor and chair of the theological studies department at Concordia University in Montreal. It was first published for a French audience in 2020, and Gagné has recently released an updated version for an English-speaking American audience.

To better understand how these Neo-Charismatic Pentecostals........

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