The wars raging in the Middle East and Ukraine put the local row over the restoration of powersharing institutions in Northern Ireland into perspective. Whatever problems we have on this island, they pale into insignificance when compared to the carnage engulfing other parts of the world. And yet the scenes of chaos on our television screens every night are a salutary reminder that small differences can be magnified into large ones by unscrupulous politicians. People who once lived alongside one another in relative peace, if not in complete harmony, can find themselves embroiled in violent conflict, as we know from the long years of the Troubles.
We are now close to a decisive moment for the future of the Belfast Agreement, and potentially in Irish-British relations. Time is almost up for a decision by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) about whether or not to accept the Windsor Framework as the basis for a resumption of powersharing.
Tánaiste Micheál Martin suggested last week that the DUP should have immediately embraced the significant modification of the Northern Ireland protocol represented by the framework when it was announced back in February. Jeffrey Donaldson didn’t do that for fear of splitting his party, but the same dilemma confronts him now.
If he does screw his courage to the sticking point and agrees to powersharing with Michelle O’Neill as first minister, he will undoubtedly face some sort of rebellion from DUP hardliners. How that turns out will depend on the kind of political cover he gets from Rishi Sunak and how well he is able to sell it.
The future of powersharing doesn’t simply rest with the DUP. If devolved Government at Stormont does resume, there will also be an onus on Sinn Féin to show that it is serious about making the institutions work. The party’s continuing demand for a Border poll, when there is clearly no majority in the North in favour of changing its constitutional status, is play-acting at best and sinister at worst. It shows scant commitment to the principles that underpin powersharing.
The endless repetition of the cliche about 700 years of British oppression in popular culture is not only a travesty of history but serves to perpetuate the ideology of those who believe that killing people is a legitimate way to achieve political ends
The Government parties in the Republic also have a role to play in helping to assuage unionist fears that they are being manoeuvred into a united Ireland. The constant stoking of those fears by politicians who can’t resist beating the united Ireland drum is no help at all to hopes of genuine reconciliation.
At a more basic level, the endless repetition of the cliche about 700 years of British oppression in popular culture is not only a travesty of history but serves to perpetuate the ideology of those who believe that killing people is a legitimate way to achieve political ends.
In an important speech during her time as President, Mary McAleese expressed the hope for a more mature attitude to our history. “Where previously our history has been characterised by a plundering of the past for things to separate and differentiate us from one another, our future now holds the optimistic possibility that Ireland will become a better place where we will revisit the past and find there elements of kinship long neglected, of connections deliberately overlooked.”
That applies not just to the relations between the two communities in the North but to relations between the two islands. Despite Brexit, Ireland and the UK have more in common than any other two states in Europe. Not only do both countries adhere to the same principles of democracy and the rule of law but the two islands are inextricably linked by ties of family and kinship.
This has been exemplified in recent weeks by the hero status accorded to Ireland rugby coach Andy Farrell. While Ireland exited at the hands of the All Blacks, their run in the competition and the exciting brand of rugby they played gave a lift to the entire island.
Farrell epitomises the best in the Irish-British relationship while the Ireland rugby team represents modern Ireland in the best possible way, including players who are Irish, British and Irish, and those who have made their home in this country from distant lands
Farrell is a true English sporting hero. A native of Wigan, he was one of the all-time greats of rugby league before he switched to rugby union, representing his country in both codes. As his name suggests, Farrell is of Irish descent, as is his wife Colleen O’Loughlin. He was awarded the OBE for his services to rugby league in 2004 and if we had an honours system in this country he would undoubtedly top the list this year.
Farrell epitomises the best in the Irish-British relationship while the Ireland rugby team represents modern Ireland in the best possible way, including players who are Irish, British and Irish, and those who have made their home in this country from distant lands.
After the World Cup final last weekend, the dignified and impressive South African captain, Siya Kolisi, didn’t simply speak of his joy in winning the trophy. He pointed to his country’s serious problems and suggested that the togetherness displayed on the football pitch should inspire the people of his homeland.
The team spirit displayed by Irish players from North and South led by an English coach of Irish extraction is an example of good behaviour to political leaders on this island.
What Andy Farrell and the Ireland rugby team could teach the politicians of this island
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03.11.2023
The wars raging in the Middle East and Ukraine put the local row over the restoration of powersharing institutions in Northern Ireland into perspective. Whatever problems we have on this island, they pale into insignificance when compared to the carnage engulfing other parts of the world. And yet the scenes of chaos on our television screens every night are a salutary reminder that small differences can be magnified into large ones by unscrupulous politicians. People who once lived alongside one another in relative peace, if not in complete harmony, can find themselves embroiled in violent conflict, as we know from the long years of the Troubles.
We are now close to a decisive moment for the future of the Belfast Agreement, and potentially in Irish-British relations. Time is almost up for a decision by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) about whether or not to accept the Windsor Framework as the basis for a resumption of powersharing.
Tánaiste Micheál Martin suggested last week that the DUP should have immediately embraced the significant modification of the Northern Ireland protocol represented by the framework when it was announced back in February. Jeffrey Donaldson didn’t do that for fear of splitting his party, but the same dilemma confronts him now.
If he does screw his courage to the sticking point and agrees to........
© The Irish Times
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