After passing through all hiccups, Pakistan has entered the post-election phase. The major threat hovering over the general elections was its credibility. On the electoral board, however, the presence of a number of successful independent candidates validates the much sought-after reliability.
In Lahore, on the elections’ day of February 8, the internet services remained blocked (and denied to subscribers) for more than 18 hours (from 12pm to 6am next day). This was a perfect example of displaying how a government, be it an interim one, representing the state, tended to interfere in the daily lives of people. Similarly, the same point also shows how the state yearned for a controlled system refuting blatantly all concepts of constitutionally stipulated legitimate freedom of the citizenry.
Despite being chastened or distant, independent candidates (devoid of a unified electoral symbol) belonging to the Pakistan Tehreke Insaf (PTI) contested the general elections. The party’s committed voters, apparently withdrawn, did not disappoint them. In fact, way before February 8, the electoral contest had been boiled down to the PTI versus the state. On February 8, Pakistan’s Election Commission might have endeavored to make the elections credible, but the real credit to do so goes to the voters, who came out in droves to cast their votes. February 8 remained a day of retribution. Scores were levelled. The state’s crackdown on the PTI workers ahead of the elections was answered pitilessly even by the general public, who happened to be the neutral voters. Even proselytes had joined their ranks. In brief, the spring-back move of the PTI was supported sufficiently by the general public.
TLP reduces victory margin of PML-N candidates in Lahore February 8 proved two points: first, Pakistanis were fond of democracy; and second, the Pakistanis yearned for asserting their rights against all odds. The obverse side of the argument was that the Pakistanis in general had decided not to submit to the dictate of the state – expressed through its oppressive institutions. The same also meant that, on February 8, the Pakistanis ditched any plan emulating the much bruited about Bangladesh model to rule over the country (under any kind of hybrid regime) for a certain period of time. The dictate of February 8 was that, in Pakistan, not any model but only the Constitution of 1973 could prevail.
Though credible elections were important for the political and economic stability of the country, the post-election phase proclaims its own set of challenges.
First, both in provinces and at the Center, the presence of successfully elected independent candidates would unleash an effort to entice and coerce (carrot and stick) them into joining a political party. The carrot aspect of the effort would open possibilities for broadening the cabinet size with ministers and sub-ministers enjoying perks and privileges drawn from the public money, costing the economy adversely.
Regional countries want peace, stability in Afghanistan, says PM Kakar Second, there are chances of the emergence of a coalition government at the Center. As per the verdict of history, a coalition government struggles for finding stability in its existence and consensus in its decisions. The same also means that fragility may become the hallmark of the government, rendering its life span short of the stipulated time. Even the perceived frailty would militate against international commitments which the government would make in the sphere of economy. For instance, a coalition government beset with fault lines may be able to secure the third tranche of loans amounting to $ 1.1 billion from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in March this year, but the government would face problems in seeking the next long-term (supposedly for three years) IMF financial assistance program.
Third, whereas the presence of a broad-based coalition government may show a reconciled face of politics, the same hotchpotch would keep investors (both local and foreigners) skeptic about the government’s future. Without seeing local investors taking a lead, foreign investors may remain tentative to have an economic stake in the system. For instance, Pakistan’s effort to project a civil-military mix (called the hybrid model) to guarantee the security of investment and financial return is so far otiose – barren to the core. The expected post-election struggle to employ carrot and stick would accentuate vulnerabilities of the political system – to the horrors of investors.
Amir Haider Hoti resigns as ANP senior vice president Fourth, reflected in various national surveys and international rankings, the past decade showed the world Pakistan’s decrepit higher judiciary, on which even local investors were unwilling to rely. This is also a reason of the cold shoulder given by even friendly opulent countries. For instance, the Middle Eastern countries including Saudi Arabia are interested in investing in Pakistan but not under Pakistan’s law. They want an extension of either the law of their land or the law of a third country to govern mutual agreements with Pakistan.
Fifth, the mere emergence of independent candidates, whether or not they remained successful electorally, indicates simmering socio-political restiveness in the country. The number of voters who voted for the PTI’s sponsored independent candidates can be counted, which would indicate the festering unidentified yet countable dissatisfied populace that have been seething with anger at the state’s acts. Without calming them down to satisfaction, the country would remain on the verge of an upheaval, especially when the electorate has issued its democratic verdict. Pakistan has to change it attire from a police state to a democratic state.
PPP writes to ECP, criticises late results In short, the rise of a number of independent public representatives is bound to go against the health of both politics and economy. They are bound to raise a voice against their incarcerated leader, weighed down by trumped up cases. Against any consequential mayhem, it may be difficult for the IMF to get a green signal from its lenders to support Pakistan favourably in the next financial year (2024-25).
Dr Qaisar Rashid
The writer is a freelance columnist. He can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com
The Post-Election Phase
38
8
10.02.2024
After passing through all hiccups, Pakistan has entered the post-election phase. The major threat hovering over the general elections was its credibility. On the electoral board, however, the presence of a number of successful independent candidates validates the much sought-after reliability.
In Lahore, on the elections’ day of February 8, the internet services remained blocked (and denied to subscribers) for more than 18 hours (from 12pm to 6am next day). This was a perfect example of displaying how a government, be it an interim one, representing the state, tended to interfere in the daily lives of people. Similarly, the same point also shows how the state yearned for a controlled system refuting blatantly all concepts of constitutionally stipulated legitimate freedom of the citizenry.
Despite being chastened or distant, independent candidates (devoid of a unified electoral symbol) belonging to the Pakistan Tehreke Insaf (PTI) contested the general elections. The party’s committed voters, apparently withdrawn, did not disappoint them. In fact, way before February 8, the electoral contest had been boiled down to the PTI versus the state. On February 8, Pakistan’s Election Commission might have endeavored to make the elections credible, but the real credit to do so goes to the voters, who came out in droves to cast their votes. February 8 remained a day of retribution. Scores were levelled. The state’s crackdown on the PTI workers ahead of the elections was answered pitilessly even by the general public, who happened to be the neutral voters. Even proselytes had joined their ranks. In brief, the........
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