Former Delhi high court judge Justice Rekha Sharma delivered the following remarks at a seminar organised by
the Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reforms, in collaboration with The Wire and LiveLaw.

I am thankful to the organisers for having provided me with this opportunity to be with you all today. Though I am almost a stranger to the actual working of the Roster system in the Supreme Court, let me share my own little experience of what I have heard and observed. The subject has taken me back to the year I enrolled myself as an Advocate. That was the day my family looked at me with awe and amazement. It was because none of them except my father had ever seen a court room. My resolve to practice law was difficult for them to digest.

Knowing none, and with no brief, I would sit in some court room or the other, listen to the arguing counsel and comeback home briefless and with empty pocket. But, then, miracles do happen. It was a Friday. I saw an elderly lady lawyer getting up, bowing her head, and saying something. Two serious looking judges raised their heads, looked at her, “Dismissed”, said their Lordships. The lady lawyer passed by my seat, red faced, head jerking, murmuring something inaudible. While she lost her brief, it made my day. It carved my future. I followed her to her chamber, introduced myself, told her I was watching her great performance, and that I wanted to be her junior. She looked at me, asked me to have a seat, and agreed to take me as her junior.

For a long time, I would carry her bulky files, follow her from one court room to another, and became immune to the epithets, good or bad for the different Benches. However, one thing is clear to me.What was earlier being said in whispering tones, in present times is being talked openly. And, it is something called “Bench fixing”.

Though with the passage of time I became a busy lawyer, the Bench and its allure became overwhelming. I was selected for the Higher Judicial Service, and a few years later elevated to the Bench. However, somewhere in the back of my mind, the epithet “Bench fixing” kept haunting. And, to my surprise and dismay, I realized that though in the High Court, the Registry’s hands were clipped by the Roster System, that system too was not free from rat’s smell. And that smell emanated principally from the pen of the Chief Justice who was incharge of the Roster. None of the so-called Service Judges was ever assigned important constitutional matters, habeas corpus or other writ petitions involving important questions of law. All such cases went to judges directly elevated from the Bar. As if, the judges from the Bar were paragon of knowledge.

In Narasimha Rao’s bribery case which revolved around the interpretation of Article 105 of the Constitution, and involving not only the person who held the position of the Prime Minister, but other equally important persons, showed not only the judge’s indefatigable courage, but also his complete grasp over the Constitution of India, and its interpretation. But, what is important in the present context is that the author of the judgement was a service judge. Make no mistake, the case was not assigned to him. It landed before him because he happened to be sitting in a criminal roster, and the question with regard to the interpretation of Article 105 of the Constitution arose out of that case.

And, what is the present state of affairs, particularly in Supreme Court. It has taken the Supreme Court more than five years to decide Electrol Bond petitions involving the very existence, and fairness of the electrol process. Chief Justices came and Chief Justices went away, each shying away from taking up the issue head on. To be fair to the then Chief Justice of India, even in the height of emergency, when Smt. Indra Gandhi reigned Supreme, he did not shy away from constituting a Bench and taking up the matter of ADM Jabalpur. It is a different matter that its outcome was highly damning to the fundamental rights of the citizen, and it remains an ugly spot on the fair face of the judiciary.

Why no urgency was felt or realised by one Chief Justice after another in the Electoral Bonds cases or others similar matters involving the rights of the citizens? In the interregnum, much water has already flown under the bridge. One general election, and many elections to the State Legislatures, had taken place in the meanwhile.

And, imagine, when a judgement like in the Electoral Bonds matter comes protecting the rights of the citizens, they are not only pleasantly surprised, but feel so relieved as to hail and thank the Supreme Court, even when it has only performed its constitutional duty. And when it does that, it neither needs applause nor brickbats. But the fact that such was the reaction shows how much the Supreme Court has lost in terms of credibility in the field of justice delivery system.

The Supreme Court is no longer taken as the last word on any such pronouncement. It is already being said that the government may move the Supreme Court for review, or the State Bank of India and the Election Commission may ask for further time to carry out its directions, or the government may even bring an Ordinance to nullify the effect of the judgement. After all, the government did bring an Ordinance to reverse the judgement of the Supreme Court in the matter of selection of the Election Commissioners by removing the Chief Justice of India as being part of such selection.

Why have things come to such a pass? The government is not entirely to be blamed. Somewhere down the line the Supreme Court allowed its authority to dilute. Though it is unfortunate, keeping in view the past performance of the Supreme Court, one feels, it is the government which will have the last laugh.

Let me take you to the past. The aggrieved citizen was known by the name of Maneka Gandhi. Our Supreme Court said, and I quote, that “speedy trial is a dynamic and progressive program of legal assistance, an essential ingredient of the right to life and liberty and flows directly from Article 21 of the Constitution”. Brave words, but lost somewhere in the wilderness of the Roster regime. You do not live on words alone. They need a heart. And a heart that flutters. Thousands and thousands are rotting in jails, standing in the corridors of courts of justice, day in and day out, with prayers on their lips, hoping for the rule, “Bail not Jail”to resurrect. But it surfaces only for the chosen few.

Siddique Kappan, a journalist who was arrested on October 5, 2020, got bail after more than two years. When he approached the Supreme Court under Article 32 of the Constitution, the then Chief Justice of India remarked that we want to discourage Article 32 petitions, and he was sent back to the High Court. More recently, Supreme Court declined to hear an Article 32 petition involving the arrest of Chief Minister of a State who alleged that he was arrested on no evidence, and with the sole aim of destabilising his duly elected government. The Bench observed, “why have you come here directly”. This observation was made notwithstanding the fact that many a times in the past the Supreme Court has been entertaining Article 32 petitions depending upon the urgency and gravity of the matter. And, more importantly, the observation has come notwithstanding the golden words of B.R. Ambedkar, the architect of the Constitution, describing Article 32 as the “heart and soul of the Constitution”. Is Article 32 to be treated as a dead letter?

Remember the landmark judgement of the Supreme Court in Hussanara Khatoon vs. State of Bihar? Recollect what the judges said? Let me remind you. They not only felt that there was a shocking state of affairs so far as the administration of law and order is concerned, but also that “the legal system has lost its credibility”.

Arun Shourie has beautifully described the present state of judiciary in his remarkably readable book The Commission for Lost Causes. He calls the judges as “Lions under the throne”. The misfortune is that many of them have not only lost their teeth but roar too, leaving the ordinary citizen to the mercy of predators and jackals.

What we find today is that while a powerful person gets bail on an experimental basis, men like Umar Khalid are withering away, unwept, unsung and unheard, and so fed up that coming out of the corridors of the Supreme Court is itself considered a relief. While a journalist spends time in jail for the mere crime of performing his duty, an old and ailing man unable to even sip water is denied basic medical aid, and is made to suffer and die behind the bars. What has happened to Article 21? Why have those swearing by the Constitution forgotten cases like Hussainara, M.H. Hoskot, Sunil Batra and A.K. Roy? What has happened to those brave words in Rattan Singh versus State of Punjab (AIR 1982 Supreme Court 1), “…If freedom and liberty are to have any meaning in our democratic setup, it is essential that at least those safeguards are not denied.” Is our judiciary pushing down who deserve to be pushed down and pulling up who deserve to be pulled up, or is it just becoming gilded tomb of a failed talent? The question is not who is making them dance. The question is who is dancing and why?

While I was penning these lines, I had before me two headlines in the Indian Express. Without a comment, I am reading them out to you, leaving it to you to react. Here is the first one. A Bench of Justice B.R. Gavai and Sandeep Mehta observed “when the question of liberty of a person is involved, even a day’s delay counts” (January 18, 2024) and here is the second one, “24 years after a man dies in police custody, ex-cop sentenced to 10 years jail”. How do you reconcile the two? One decries even a day’s delay and the other tells us of delay of 24 years.

Remember those five judges of the press conference fame. One of them, a friend from days of our mutual struggle at the Bar, is present today. What happened thereafter? Any reform? Any improvement? Let us remember that a driver’s competence is not established by his dress or his religious fervor made public, but by making his passengers reach their destination safely. A judge must fall in love with the Constitution before he approaches it. The original is beautiful. Its reach is not limited. It is not the Roster, it is the judge who assigns the cases, and it is the judge who decides the matter.
Shakespeare in Julius Caesar writes: “His life was gentle, and the elements so mixed in him that Nature might stand-up. And say to all the world. This was a man.” Are we today too sure of the presence of such a man? If not, surely, we need him, though many today are seen taking a deep breath and agreeing with Meer Taqi Meer: “Ibtadaai ishq hai, rota hai kya agey agey dekhiye hota hai kya.

But having said all this, I will be unfair to the Roster System, and to its Master, by not pointing out at least three pronounced advantages of the Roster System and which, fortunately or unfortunately, have already become public and, they are as follows:

1. The Master of Roster can constitute a Bench of his own choice and himself preside over it even in a very personal matter.

2. By intelligently making use of that power, he can assure himself, even after his retirement, a cozy job like a seat in the Rajya Sabha or Governorship in some state.

3. By intelligently using that power, he can equally benefit his very worthy and dearest colleagues too.

Thank you very much.

QOSHE - The Supreme Court Has Allowed its Authority to Be Diluted - Rekha Sharma
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The Supreme Court Has Allowed its Authority to Be Diluted

15 19
25.02.2024

Former Delhi high court judge Justice Rekha Sharma delivered the following remarks at a seminar organised by
the Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reforms, in collaboration with The Wire and LiveLaw.

I am thankful to the organisers for having provided me with this opportunity to be with you all today. Though I am almost a stranger to the actual working of the Roster system in the Supreme Court, let me share my own little experience of what I have heard and observed. The subject has taken me back to the year I enrolled myself as an Advocate. That was the day my family looked at me with awe and amazement. It was because none of them except my father had ever seen a court room. My resolve to practice law was difficult for them to digest.

Knowing none, and with no brief, I would sit in some court room or the other, listen to the arguing counsel and comeback home briefless and with empty pocket. But, then, miracles do happen. It was a Friday. I saw an elderly lady lawyer getting up, bowing her head, and saying something. Two serious looking judges raised their heads, looked at her, “Dismissed”, said their Lordships. The lady lawyer passed by my seat, red faced, head jerking, murmuring something inaudible. While she lost her brief, it made my day. It carved my future. I followed her to her chamber, introduced myself, told her I was watching her great performance, and that I wanted to be her junior. She looked at me, asked me to have a seat, and agreed to take me as her junior.

For a long time, I would carry her bulky files, follow her from one court room to another, and became immune to the epithets, good or bad for the different Benches. However, one thing is clear to me.What was earlier being said in whispering tones, in present times is being talked openly. And, it is something called “Bench fixing”.

Though with the passage of time I became a busy lawyer, the Bench and its allure became overwhelming. I was selected for the Higher Judicial Service, and a few years later elevated to the Bench. However, somewhere in the back of my mind, the epithet “Bench fixing” kept haunting. And, to my surprise and dismay, I realized that though in the High Court, the Registry’s hands were clipped by the Roster System, that system too was not free from rat’s smell. And that smell emanated principally from the pen of the Chief Justice who was incharge of the Roster. None of the so-called Service Judges was ever assigned important constitutional matters, habeas corpus or other writ petitions involving important questions of law. All such cases went to judges directly elevated from the Bar. As if, the judges from the Bar were paragon of knowledge.

In Narasimha Rao’s bribery case which revolved around the interpretation of Article 105 of the Constitution, and involving not only the person who held the position of the Prime Minister, but........

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