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As these speeches have devolved into laundry lists of accomplishments and proposals, the words mean less and the visual images mean more. (The decline of language and the prominence of visuals are a defining, albeit disagreeable, feature of modern politics.) In the case of Biden — whose age remains an obsession and whose premature polling rattles Democrats — how he “seems” is as important as what he says.
If there is an overarching impression he needs to convey, it is this: combative. A combative person is energetic, sharp, aggressive, focused and nimble. If Biden conveys that — and lures Republicans into helping create another memorable visual — he will have succeeded. How does he do this?
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On the economy, he must not only recite the “bests” (best stock market, best economy in the world, best recovery) but remind voters and Republicans that he was handed a mess (e.g., the coronavirus running rampant, unemployment over 6 percent). If he wants to get a rise out of Republicans, he would do well to note they fought him every step of the way. After all, most voted against the infrastructure bill (but bragged about its results) and against insulin price controls, and they tried to roll back his green-energy investments.
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Contrasts are the bread and butter of a successful campaign. And, let’s face it, this is as much a campaign appearance as it is an official event. Biden wants to get rich tax cheats; Republicans want to starve the IRS. Biden wants to help the little guy; Republicans want to protect some corporations and super-rich people from paying any taxes. In short, Biden must not simply boast about his accomplishments but provoke Republicans with contrasts between their two economic visions.
On foreign policy and border security, he has a golden opportunity to saddle Republicans in Congress and Trump with coddling Russian President Vladimir Putin, plotting to destroy NATO, welcoming a Russian invasion of Europe and blowing up the toughest border deal in decades (with a shout-out to Republican Sen. James Lankford of Oklahoma). Never before has a significant part of a major party — let alone the party that takes credit for winning the Cold War — acted like a willing dupe for a foreign enemy of the United States. If Republicans in the chamber hoot and holler, Biden will get his viral moment. (Hey, you guys aren’t Putin’s poodles, are you?! You aren’t on the side of Alexei Navalny’s killer, are you?!)
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Biden, with public opinion strongly on his side, cannot mince words when it comes to abortion and in vitro fertilization. He needs to attribute responsibility. Trump and the Republican Senate gave us a radical Supreme Court that opened the way to abortion bans. They are responsible for forcing rape and incest victims to travel out of state and putting women’s lives at risk. He can call out Republicans on IVF hypocrisy. Now they say they are all for it, but they have voted against it and for “personhood” bills that would ban not only IVF but also some forms of contraception. Biden cannot afford to tread lightly when it comes to Republicans’ biggest political Achilles’ heel.
Likewise, Biden has the chance to remind voters of just how radical Republicans are on guns. Trump insisted after a school shooting that Iowans should “get over it.” Trump also brags he did “nothing” on guns. If Biden stresses the sheer callousness of those sentiments and slams Republicans for putting the gun industry’s and Second Amendment absolutists’ interests above the lives of little children, he can make a deep impression with some voters.
When it comes to “democracy,” abstractions seem not to resonate with voters. What does that concept mean for the lives of ordinary Americans? He can be blunt: Maybe we shouldn’t elect someone who wants to be dictator “for a day”? Moreover, if Biden vows to stand up for freedom (to control your body, your family, your reading list) and against tyranny (mass roundup of immigrants, using the military against the people, wielding power to wreak vengeance, enabling international aggressors), he can help make the stark choice more concrete.
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Biden doesn’t need to sprint up the aisle to the podium or arm wrestle with members as he makes his way out of the chamber. He does, however, need to show he is in fighting political form. Biden will want to remind voters he has an impressive record and that he can effectively defend it. Even more critical, he needs to impress upon them that his MAGA opponents are nutty, destructive and irresponsible. If he leaves that impression with millions of voters — most of whom won’t see or hear the whole speech — democracy defenders will breath a sigh of relief.
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The presidential State of the Union address might be the most hyped ritual in American politics. Endless media speculation about what the president will say and how he will be received becomes obsolete as soon as the speech is given, which, in turn, is usually forgotten within days. What is not forgotten, however, are the related incidents: President Biden tussling with Republicans over Social Security; Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) tearing up the text of President Donald Trump’s State of the Union; Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. mouthing “not true” to President Barack Obama; and Rep. Joe Wilson (R-S.C.) screaming “You lie!” at Obama.
As these speeches have devolved into laundry lists of accomplishments and proposals, the words mean less and the visual images mean more. (The decline of language and the prominence of visuals are a defining, albeit disagreeable, feature of modern politics.) In the case of Biden — whose age remains an obsession and whose premature polling rattles Democrats — how he “seems” is as important as what he says.
If there is an overarching impression he needs to convey, it is this: combative. A combative person is energetic, sharp, aggressive, focused and nimble. If Biden conveys that — and lures Republicans into helping create another memorable visual — he will have succeeded. How does he do this?
On the economy, he must not only recite the “bests” (best stock market, best economy in the world, best recovery) but remind voters and Republicans that he was handed a mess (e.g., the coronavirus running rampant, unemployment over 6 percent). If he wants to get a rise out of Republicans, he would do well to note they fought him every step of the way. After all, most voted against the infrastructure bill (but bragged about its results) and against insulin price controls, and they tried to roll back his green-energy investments.
Contrasts are the bread and butter of a successful campaign. And, let’s face it, this is as much a campaign appearance as it is an official event. Biden wants to get rich tax cheats; Republicans want to starve the IRS. Biden wants to help the little guy; Republicans want to protect some corporations and super-rich people from paying any taxes. In short, Biden must not simply boast about his accomplishments but provoke Republicans with contrasts between their two economic visions.
On foreign policy and border security, he has a golden opportunity to saddle Republicans in Congress and Trump with coddling Russian President Vladimir Putin, plotting to destroy NATO, welcoming a Russian invasion of Europe and blowing up the toughest border deal in decades (with a shout-out to Republican Sen. James Lankford of Oklahoma). Never before has a significant part of a major party — let alone the party that takes credit for winning the Cold War — acted like a willing dupe for a foreign enemy of the United States. If Republicans in the chamber hoot and holler, Biden will get his viral moment. (Hey, you guys aren’t Putin’s poodles, are you?! You aren’t on the side of Alexei Navalny’s killer, are you?!)
Biden, with public opinion strongly on his side, cannot mince words when it comes to abortion and in vitro fertilization. He needs to attribute responsibility. Trump and the Republican Senate gave us a radical Supreme Court that opened the way to abortion bans. They are responsible for forcing rape and incest victims to travel out of state and putting women’s lives at risk. He can call out Republicans on IVF hypocrisy. Now they say they are all for it, but they have voted against it and for “personhood” bills that would ban not only IVF but also some forms of contraception. Biden cannot afford to tread lightly when it comes to Republicans’ biggest political Achilles’ heel.
Likewise, Biden has the chance to remind voters of just how radical Republicans are on guns. Trump insisted after a school shooting that Iowans should “get over it.” Trump also brags he did “nothing” on guns. If Biden stresses the sheer callousness of those sentiments and slams Republicans for putting the gun industry’s and Second Amendment absolutists’ interests above the lives of little children, he can make a deep impression with some voters.
When it comes to “democracy,” abstractions seem not to resonate with voters. What does that concept mean for the lives of ordinary Americans? He can be blunt: Maybe we shouldn’t elect someone who wants to be dictator “for a day”? Moreover, if Biden vows to stand up for freedom (to control your body, your family, your reading list) and against tyranny (mass roundup of immigrants, using the military against the people, wielding power to wreak vengeance, enabling international aggressors), he can help make the stark choice more concrete.
Biden doesn’t need to sprint up the aisle to the podium or arm wrestle with members as he makes his way out of the chamber. He does, however, need to show he is in fighting political form. Biden will want to remind voters he has an impressive record and that he can effectively defend it. Even more critical, he needs to impress upon them that his MAGA opponents are nutty, destructive and irresponsible. If he leaves that impression with millions of voters — most of whom won’t see or hear the whole speech — democracy defenders will breath a sigh of relief.
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