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A war launched for self-defense can lose legitimacy if the means of fighting violate international norms. Andrés’s plea for Israel to “stop restricting humanitarian aid, stop killing civilians and aid workers, and stop using food as a weapon” will resonate with many Americans. Accordingly, Israel cannot continue to fight for diminishing returns if it is not willing or able to protect innocents.
Israel seems to be wearing out the patience of even the Biden administration, arguably the most pro-Zionist in history. (Matters have gotten so bad that, before the latest strike, even Netanyahu’s BFF, former president Donald Trump, was telling Israel to wrap up the war.) The Times of Israel quotes an anonymous U.S. official furious that adequate measures to coordinate with aid workers are “only being put in place now.” Indeed, even in Israel there is recognition that not enough has been done. An Israeli official told the Times of Israel, “Soldiers are operating under immense pressure in very difficult conditions in which Hamas embeds itself within the civilian population, but the rules of engagement are designed to help deal with such conditions, and they’re too often being ignored.”
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White House spokesman John Kirby was remarkably blunt. “We were outraged to learn of an IDF strike that killed a number of civilian humanitarian workers yesterday from the World Central Kitchen, which has been relentlessly working to get food to those who are hungry in Gaza,” he said on Tuesday. Expressing “hope” that the investigation’s results would be made public, Kirby declared, “This incident is emblematic of the larger problem and evidence of why distribution of aid in Gaza has been so challenging. But beyond the strike, what is clear is that the IDF must do much more to improve deconfliction processes so that civilians and humanitarian aid workers are protected.”
Later in the day, President Biden issued his own blistering statement, emphasizing that “this is not a stand-alone incident.” In some of his harshest language yet, he declared, “Israel has not done enough to protect aid workers trying to deliver desperately needed help to civilians. Incidents like yesterday’s simply should not happen.” He reminded Israel, “The United States has repeatedly urged Israel to deconflict their military operations against Hamas with humanitarian operations, in order to avoid civilian casualties.” Promising to do all the United States can to deliver aid to Gaza, Biden stressed: “I will continue to press Israel to do more to facilitate that aid. And we are pushing hard for an immediate cease-fire as part of a hostage deal.” Rarely have we seen Biden criticize Israel in such emotional terms.
Protests in Israel against the government had already grown in size and intensity before international fury erupted over the strikes. Demonstrations have expanded from weekly Saturday night vigils to support the hostages to days-long demonstrations challenging Netanyahu’s leadership of the war and hold on power. Tens of thousands of Israelis have taken to the streets on four consecutive nights to demand Netanyahu step down immediately. Tuesday night, some demonstrators who began at the Knesset moved to near Netanyahu’s home, where they clashed with police.
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The combination of domestic and international pressure, not to mention scorching criticism from hostage families and even the Israel Defense Forces, has not yet forced Netanyahu from power. However, in a dramatic move, opposition war cabinet member Benny Gantz called for elections in September. That might accelerate pressure on Netanyahu to depart. (Netanyahu’s statements concerning the necessity of a Rafah operation — with no concrete plans provided to the United States on its execution, according to the administration — increasingly sound like a political strategy to raise the Biden administration’s ire, force Netanyahu’s right-wing partners to circle the wagons and extend the war indefinitely.)
In any event, the pressure from within Israel and the international community certainly has intensified on the besieged, overwhelmingly unpopular prime minister, who is also on trial on corruption charges. The vise must get tighter and opposition more dramatic — for instance, a national strike, a major IDF resignation, a threat to cut off U.S. military aid — if Netanyahu is to depart sooner rather than later. Put differently, only when consensus builds that he represents an existential threat to Israel will there be enough pressure to force him out during wartime.
When Netanyahu finally does depart, Israel will be left more isolated, unstable and bereft of goodwill than at any point in its history. It might take decades to recover from Netanyahu’s legacy.
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Israel’s strikes killing seven World Central Kitchen personnel, who were working for José Andrés’s nonprofit to feed the hungry in Gaza, were, by Israel’s account, a mistake. Saying that, however, does not absolve the country of responsibility for the latest tragedy in a war that has killed nearly 200 aid workers. Plainly, Israel has failed to construct or observe adequate rules of deconfliction to protect humanitarian aid workers.
Moreover, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s statement that, in essence, mistakes happen in war is utterly insufficient — and revealing of his utter tone-deafness. Innocents do get killed — which is precisely why you want to avoid wars, carve out safe passage for innocents including humanitarian relief workers and make every effort to bring conflicts to a negotiated end.
“Several humanitarian groups said Tuesday that they would suspend their operations in Gaza after seven World Central Kitchen workers were killed in an Israeli strike, threatening already precarious deliveries to the aid-starved enclave,” The Post reported. “The strike sent shock waves through the international aid community. WCK and at least two other groups said they would pause their operations in Gaza.”
Israel has vowed to abide by the laws of war, but that requires its military action not “cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated.” When massive civilian casualties including aid workers continue, there is reason to question compliance with international law.
A war launched for self-defense can lose legitimacy if the means of fighting violate international norms. Andrés’s plea for Israel to “stop restricting humanitarian aid, stop killing civilians and aid workers, and stop using food as a weapon” will resonate with many Americans. Accordingly, Israel cannot continue to fight for diminishing returns if it is not willing or able to protect innocents.
Israel seems to be wearing out the patience of even the Biden administration, arguably the most pro-Zionist in history. (Matters have gotten so bad that, before the latest strike, even Netanyahu’s BFF, former president Donald Trump, was telling Israel to wrap up the war.) The Times of Israel quotes an anonymous U.S. official furious that adequate measures to coordinate with aid workers are “only being put in place now.” Indeed, even in Israel there is recognition that not enough has been done. An Israeli official told the Times of Israel, “Soldiers are operating under immense pressure in very difficult conditions in which Hamas embeds itself within the civilian population, but the rules of engagement are designed to help deal with such conditions, and they’re too often being ignored.”
White House spokesman John Kirby was remarkably blunt. “We were outraged to learn of an IDF strike that killed a number of civilian humanitarian workers yesterday from the World Central Kitchen, which has been relentlessly working to get food to those who are hungry in Gaza,” he said on Tuesday. Expressing “hope” that the investigation’s results would be made public, Kirby declared, “This incident is emblematic of the larger problem and evidence of why distribution of aid in Gaza has been so challenging. But beyond the strike, what is clear is that the IDF must do much more to improve deconfliction processes so that civilians and humanitarian aid workers are protected.”
Later in the day, President Biden issued his own blistering statement, emphasizing that “this is not a stand-alone incident.” In some of his harshest language yet, he declared, “Israel has not done enough to protect aid workers trying to deliver desperately needed help to civilians. Incidents like yesterday’s simply should not happen.” He reminded Israel, “The United States has repeatedly urged Israel to deconflict their military operations against Hamas with humanitarian operations, in order to avoid civilian casualties.” Promising to do all the United States can to deliver aid to Gaza, Biden stressed: “I will continue to press Israel to do more to facilitate that aid. And we are pushing hard for an immediate cease-fire as part of a hostage deal.” Rarely have we seen Biden criticize Israel in such emotional terms.
Protests in Israel against the government had already grown in size and intensity before international fury erupted over the strikes. Demonstrations have expanded from weekly Saturday night vigils to support the hostages to days-long demonstrations challenging Netanyahu’s leadership of the war and hold on power. Tens of thousands of Israelis have taken to the streets on four consecutive nights to demand Netanyahu step down immediately. Tuesday night, some demonstrators who began at the Knesset moved to near Netanyahu’s home, where they clashed with police.
The combination of domestic and international pressure, not to mention scorching criticism from hostage families and even the Israel Defense Forces, has not yet forced Netanyahu from power. However, in a dramatic move, opposition war cabinet member Benny Gantz called for elections in September. That might accelerate pressure on Netanyahu to depart. (Netanyahu’s statements concerning the necessity of a Rafah operation — with no concrete plans provided to the United States on its execution, according to the administration — increasingly sound like a political strategy to raise the Biden administration’s ire, force Netanyahu’s right-wing partners to circle the wagons and extend the war indefinitely.)
In any event, the pressure from within Israel and the international community certainly has intensified on the besieged, overwhelmingly unpopular prime minister, who is also on trial on corruption charges. The vise must get tighter and opposition more dramatic — for instance, a national strike, a major IDF resignation, a threat to cut off U.S. military aid — if Netanyahu is to depart sooner rather than later. Put differently, only when consensus builds that he represents an existential threat to Israel will there be enough pressure to force him out during wartime.
When Netanyahu finally does depart, Israel will be left more isolated, unstable and bereft of goodwill than at any point in its history. It might take decades to recover from Netanyahu’s legacy.
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