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This week, I look at Donald Trump’s propensity to be his own worst enemy, pick the distinguished persons of the week and highlight a lesser-visited D.C. destination.
What caught my eye
Legal peril: Former president Trump increasingly faces threats to his campaign stemming from his past actions and contempt for the law. While the wheels of justice turn slowly, four criminal cases against him remain. The New York trial on falsification of business records will likely begin in April, now that the judge issued a slew of devastating evidentiary rulings against Trump. New polling suggests a conviction in Manhattan could significantly hurt him in November.
Moreover, Trump has run out of financial entities willing to help him post bonds while he appeals his mammoth civil judgments. He finagled Chubb insurance company to meet the bond requirements on the E. Jean Carroll verdict. However, he has come up short on the gigantic $454 million verdict for his inflated real estate evaluations.
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The Post reported that none of the 30 companies Trump and his organization approached would “accept property as collateral — stalling any efforts to obtain a bond with a week before the state might begin collecting.” Without appellate court relief, the state could begin seizing his assets. The legal consequences will inflict further financial and psychic strain on the self-described “billionaire” (now appearing a whole lot less liquid than he once claimed) and might further deplete campaign resources as he tries to fund his defense in multiple cases.
Campaign vulnerabilities: Trump’s most acute vulnerability remains his mouth. He continues to spew noxious views that provoke harsh media coverage and even draw rebukes from some Republicans.
His dehumanizing of immigrants (“I don’t know if you call them people … In some cases they’re not people, in my opinion”), saluting the traitorous Jan. 6, 2021, insurrectionists (before their “anthem” played), referencing Jan. 6 convicted criminals as “hostages” and invoking of violent imagery (“bloodbath”) in his speech in Ohio triggered some of his harshest coverage. Moreover, when given a chance to repudiate Nazi phrases (“poisoning our blood”), he refused.
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Trump apologists claimed his reference to a “bloodbath” was merely a prediction of ruin for the car industry. That doesn’t fly, as many analysts noted. Ruth Ben-Ghiat, an expert on reactionary strongmen, explains, “To get people to embrace violence, fill them with existential dread- the fear that it’s the Leader or the abyss. This is an incitement to violence speech. Trump is a propaganda machine devoted to destroying America.” Ben-Ghiat provides the real “context” for his comments: “Each element of propaganda works with narratives and emotional cues already established by the Leader.” She continues, “Here Trump speaks about the auto industry but the emotion of ‘me, or a bloodbath’ echoes his Jan. 6 ‘If you don’t fight like hell [for him], you won’t have a country anymore.’”
The Biden campaign put out its own take on Trump’s constant flirtation with violence:
Donald Trump has shown us who he is, time and time again. pic.twitter.com/pBqyMTloHX
— Joe Biden (@JoeBiden)
March 18, 2024 In addition to the “bloodbath” remark, Trump’s “hostages” comment provoked even former vice president Mike Pence, who has refused to endorse Trump (utterly unprecedented, but understandable since Trump egged on the mob seeking to hang Pence). On CBS’s “Face the Nation,” Pence declared, “I think it’s very unfortunate at a time that there are American hostages being held in Gaza, that the president or any other leader will refer to people that are moving through our justice system as hostages. It’s just unacceptable.”
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None of this — nor his call to imprison members of the Jan. 6 committee — is acceptable or characteristic of a stable, pro-democratic presidential nominee. It’s the stuff of fascist regimes that rely on intoxicating violence and retribution. Arguing that voters should put his words aside for his “policies” (Which ones? Using the military to quell dissent? Installing a national abortion ban?) beggars belief. Trump’s “policy” is authoritarian rule.
Trump’s words and actions finally might disrupt the too-prevalent habit of treating the 2024 race as an ordinary election between two normal parties. Sure, some outlets still cloak his disgusting rhetoric in obtuse language (“a caustic and discursive speech” is how the New York Times described his Ohio screed!), but the average voter will now see more coverage compelled to report on Trump’s warped character and twisted mind-set. They will understand that voting for him ratifies the views of a wannabe dictator who lionizes violence, dehumanizes non-Whites, celebrates traitors, disdains the rule of law and despises deeply held American values.
Distinguished persons of the week
Restraint is an underappreciated quality in politics. When a group of politicians turns down entreaties to put themselves in the spotlight, they therefore deserve credit, even if their motives might be partially self-serving.
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In this case, a long list of Republicans have refused to accept No Labels’ invitation to run as a third-party candidate, one that even some of its organizers concede is not designed to win. The latest to reject the invitation to play spoiler is former Georgia lieutenant governor Geoff Duncan. In a written statement he explained this week, “After careful deliberation, I have withdrawn my name from consideration for the No Labels presidential ticket. … In addition to my private sector career and earning a living for my family of five, I am focused on healing and improving the Republican Party with a GOP 2.0 so we can elect more common-sense conservative candidates in the future.”
Duncan joins the parade of Republicans who refuse to divide the anti-Trump vote including Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, former North Carolina governor Pat McCrory, former U.N. ambassador and presidential candidate Nikki Haley and former Maryland governor Larry Hogan. Sens. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz.) also rebuffed their pleas.
Maybe these politicians have seen the polling showing a generic No Labels candidate drawing less than 2 percent of the vote. Even a “dream ticket” of Haley and Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minn.) comes in fourth, according to a poll conducted by the moderate Third Way, a staunch critic of No Labels. “Despite her strengths, a No Labels ticket with Haley as the nominee gets just 9% of the vote, losing badly to Trump and Biden and trailing even RFK, Jr. (13%),” pollsters found. “Thus, a No Labels ticket led by one of the most well-known and respected GOP leaders available is more likely to finish fourth than win a single electoral vote.” No one wants to end their political career in humiliation.
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And perhaps, aside from the raw political calculus, these figures understand that a unified opposition is essential for democracies threatened by an authoritarian figure. No Labels insists, even without a candidate or a transparent selection process, that it will go forward. But who will sign on to this misguided and potentially dangerous effort? Thank goodness it won’t be Duncan, Haley, Hogan, Kemp, McCrory, Sinema or Manchin. Democracy defenders should be grateful.
Something different
The National Park Service announced that the famous D.C. cherry blossoms on March 17 reached an early peak bloom, defined as the “date when 70 percent of the yoshino cherry tree blossoms are open around the Tidal Basin.” If, however, you would prefer to duck the crowds and see more than the cherry blossoms, check out the National Arboretum in Northeast D.C. You can stroll or bike along the paths and even bring your (leashed) dog in the gorgeous 451-acre property managed by the Agriculture Department.
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It currently features its own cherry blossom self-guided tour. And you can enjoy so much more, including blooming magnolias and camellias, the China valley, an exquisite bonsai collection and the much-photographed National Capitol Columns left over after a 1958 Capitol remodel. Best of all, you can come back every few weeks during spring to see each plant species come to life. Hours are 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. daily; admission is free.
Every other Wednesday at noon, I host a live Q&A with readers. Submit a question for the next one.
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You’re reading Jennifer Rubin’s subscriber-only newsletter. Sign up to get it in your inbox.
This week, I look at Donald Trump’s propensity to be his own worst enemy, pick the distinguished persons of the week and highlight a lesser-visited D.C. destination.
Legal peril: Former president Trump increasingly faces threats to his campaign stemming from his past actions and contempt for the law. While the wheels of justice turn slowly, four criminal cases against him remain. The New York trial on falsification of business records will likely begin in April, now that the judge issued a slew of devastating evidentiary rulings against Trump. New polling suggests a conviction in Manhattan could significantly hurt him in November.
Moreover, Trump has run out of financial entities willing to help him post bonds while he appeals his mammoth civil judgments. He finagled Chubb insurance company to meet the bond requirements on the E. Jean Carroll verdict. However, he has come up short on the gigantic $454 million verdict for his inflated real estate evaluations.
The Post reported that none of the 30 companies Trump and his organization approached would “accept property as collateral — stalling any efforts to obtain a bond with a week before the state might begin collecting.” Without appellate court relief, the state could begin seizing his assets. The legal consequences will inflict further financial and psychic strain on the self-described “billionaire” (now appearing a whole lot less liquid than he once claimed) and might further deplete campaign resources as he tries to fund his defense in multiple cases.
Campaign vulnerabilities: Trump’s most acute vulnerability remains his mouth. He continues to spew noxious views that provoke harsh media coverage and even draw rebukes from some Republicans.
His dehumanizing of immigrants (“I don’t know if you call them people … In some cases they’re not people, in my opinion”), saluting the traitorous Jan. 6, 2021, insurrectionists (before their “anthem” played), referencing Jan. 6 convicted criminals as “hostages” and invoking of violent imagery (“bloodbath”) in his speech in Ohio triggered some of his harshest coverage. Moreover, when given a chance to repudiate Nazi phrases (“poisoning our blood”), he refused.
Trump apologists claimed his reference to a “bloodbath” was merely a prediction of ruin for the car industry. That doesn’t fly, as many analysts noted. Ruth Ben-Ghiat, an expert on reactionary strongmen, explains, “To get people to embrace violence, fill them with existential dread- the fear that it’s the Leader or the abyss. This is an incitement to violence speech. Trump is a propaganda machine devoted to destroying America.” Ben-Ghiat provides the real “context” for his comments: “Each element of propaganda works with narratives and emotional cues already established by the Leader.” She continues, “Here Trump speaks about the auto industry but the emotion of ‘me, or a bloodbath’ echoes his Jan. 6 ‘If you don’t fight like hell [for him], you won’t have a country anymore.’”
The Biden campaign put out its own take on Trump’s constant flirtation with violence:
Donald Trump has shown us who he is, time and time again. pic.twitter.com/pBqyMTloHX
In addition to the “bloodbath” remark, Trump’s “hostages” comment provoked even former vice president Mike Pence, who has refused to endorse Trump (utterly unprecedented, but understandable since Trump egged on the mob seeking to hang Pence). On CBS’s “Face the Nation,” Pence declared, “I think it’s very unfortunate at a time that there are American hostages being held in Gaza, that the president or any other leader will refer to people that are moving through our justice system as hostages. It’s just unacceptable.”
None of this — nor his call to imprison members of the Jan. 6 committee — is acceptable or characteristic of a stable, pro-democratic presidential nominee. It’s the stuff of fascist regimes that rely on intoxicating violence and retribution. Arguing that voters should put his words aside for his “policies” (Which ones? Using the military to quell dissent? Installing a national abortion ban?) beggars belief. Trump’s “policy” is authoritarian rule.
Trump’s words and actions finally might disrupt the too-prevalent habit of treating the 2024 race as an ordinary election between two normal parties. Sure, some outlets still cloak his disgusting rhetoric in obtuse language (“a caustic and discursive speech” is how the New York Times described his Ohio screed!), but the average voter will now see more coverage compelled to report on Trump’s warped character and twisted mind-set. They will understand that voting for him ratifies the views of a wannabe dictator who lionizes violence, dehumanizes non-Whites, celebrates traitors, disdains the rule of law and despises deeply held American values.
Restraint is an underappreciated quality in politics. When a group of politicians turns down entreaties to put themselves in the spotlight, they therefore deserve credit, even if their motives might be partially self-serving.
In this case, a long list of Republicans have refused to accept No Labels’ invitation to run as a third-party candidate, one that even some of its organizers concede is not designed to win. The latest to reject the invitation to play spoiler is former Georgia lieutenant governor Geoff Duncan. In a written statement he explained this week, “After careful deliberation, I have withdrawn my name from consideration for the No Labels presidential ticket. … In addition to my private sector career and earning a living for my family of five, I am focused on healing and improving the Republican Party with a GOP 2.0 so we can elect more common-sense conservative candidates in the future.”
Duncan joins the parade of Republicans who refuse to divide the anti-Trump vote including Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, former North Carolina governor Pat McCrory, former U.N. ambassador and presidential candidate Nikki Haley and former Maryland governor Larry Hogan. Sens. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz.) also rebuffed their pleas.
Maybe these politicians have seen the polling showing a generic No Labels candidate drawing less than 2 percent of the vote. Even a “dream ticket” of Haley and Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minn.) comes in fourth, according to a poll conducted by the moderate Third Way, a staunch critic of No Labels. “Despite her strengths, a No Labels ticket with Haley as the nominee gets just 9% of the vote, losing badly to Trump and Biden and trailing even RFK, Jr. (13%),” pollsters found. “Thus, a No Labels ticket led by one of the most well-known and respected GOP leaders available is more likely to finish fourth than win a single electoral vote.” No one wants to end their political career in humiliation.
And perhaps, aside from the raw political calculus, these figures understand that a unified opposition is essential for democracies threatened by an authoritarian figure. No Labels insists, even without a candidate or a transparent selection process, that it will go forward. But who will sign on to this misguided and potentially dangerous effort? Thank goodness it won’t be Duncan, Haley, Hogan, Kemp, McCrory, Sinema or Manchin. Democracy defenders should be grateful.
The National Park Service announced that the famous D.C. cherry blossoms on March 17 reached an early peak bloom, defined as the “date when 70 percent of the yoshino cherry tree blossoms are open around the Tidal Basin.” If, however, you would prefer to duck the crowds and see more than the cherry blossoms, check out the National Arboretum in Northeast D.C. You can stroll or bike along the paths and even bring your (leashed) dog in the gorgeous 451-acre property managed by the Agriculture Department.
It currently features its own cherry blossom self-guided tour. And you can enjoy so much more, including blooming magnolias and camellias, the China valley, an exquisite bonsai collection and the much-photographed National Capitol Columns left over after a 1958 Capitol remodel. Best of all, you can come back every few weeks during spring to see each plant species come to life. Hours are 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. daily; admission is free.
Every other Wednesday at noon, I host a live Q&A with readers. Submit a question for the next one.
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