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For example, if Trump believes positions on abortion and in vitro fertilization most threaten his election chances, his best choice appears clear: South Dakota Gov. Kristi L. Noem. Not because she holds a more moderate or popular stance on those issues; she doesn’t. And not because Noem — formerly a congresswoman and a pageant queen and a natural fit for the Trump aesthetic — will bring out lots of new female voters. She won’t. But because her presence might reassure a persuadable voter that MAGA doesn’t have it out for women, offered as proof that questions on “women’s issues” won’t be left to an all-male White House.

Or Trump might feel that America First — a suite of immigration, economic and foreign policies that seem equal parts isolationist and intolerant — is his greatest strength and double down on it, selecting from among the MAGA faithful in Congress. Or, for a fresher face, business executive Vivek Ramaswamy, a former GOP candidate who is said to be on Trump’s shortlist. If a more institutionalist Republican is needed to win, perhaps Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. Haley fits here, too. Trump will have his pick, no doubt. And when a contender is asked, the answer is almost always yes.

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Most of all, MAGA and the Republican Party share the same liability: They have a race problem. It’s impossible to ignore. It explains the manufactured craze over critical race theory and the party’s leading candidates’ enduring unwillingness to talk forthrightly about slavery. And even as the party slowly diversifies, it’s a party largely out of step with its voters. More than 75 percent of Republicans believe it’s important to learn the history of different racial groups. Half of millennial and Gen Z Republicans — and nearly 60 percent of Republican leaners of all ages — support incorporating Black history into their local school’s history curriculum.

Only one contestant addresses that weakness for the still-undecideds: Sen. Tim Scott (S.C.). Not because he would help Republicans win 20 percent of Black voters, the magic number the party has given lip service to for four decades; he won’t. But because a Black evangelical Christian on the ticket poses the rhetorical question in response to the party’s most serious charge: How can Trump and the party be racist if Scott is the running mate? We’ve heard that line before. Scott’s presence might mean something to on-the-fence Republicans, needing one last sign before taking the leap again. His bachelor status doesn’t fit the MAGA brand, but not to worry — Scott recently gave an engagement ring and a final rose to his girlfriend.

Each aspirant should reflect on a few requirements unique to the job. If elected, when Trump makes prejudiced or insensitive comments — and he will — the vice president will be deployed to absolve him. Should Trump fail to serve out his term, the vice president will inherit what remains, whatever that entails. And if the role involves another day like Jan. 6, 2021 — with the country on pins and needles and the moment full of intrigue — will the vice president put loyalty to country before loyalty to Trump? Whoever is selected should understand that they are only Trump’s choice because he believes their answer to that question will be no.

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Donald Trump has secured the necessary delegates to win the Republican nomination, which means the contest to be his running mate is officially underway. Might it be former South Carolina governor Nikki Haley, Trump’s last opponent to drop out? Would she consider it? Would he even ask? It is the season for such questions. Whom will he choose?

Political matchmaking — of candidates and voters and parties — is a guilty pleasure. Everyone has a theory of who should be selected and why. Research shows that vice presidents offer little to no home-state advantage, and that a woman on the ticket doesn’t win more female voters. Policy alignment and expertise won’t sway Trump, whose disinterest in the details of government resulted in a 2020 GOP convention without a platform. And people in his camp are suggesting he choose “a person of color as his running mate” to demonstrate that MAGA is open to everyone.

Four years ago, I explained that it made good electoral sense for Joe Biden to select a Black running mate because certain cultural identities matter greatly in elections when their members vote as a large bloc. The Black electorate is one, often making the difference for Democrats; its voters are responsible for Kamala Harris being vice president today. White evangelical Christians are as well, having a similar impact in the GOP and shaping Trump’s choice of Mike Pence in 2016. But the calculus will be different this time because voters already know what they’re getting with each candidate. This election will swing on the votes of the undecideds and persuadables — and the only wild card is who will be coming with Trump.

The former president’s choice will reveal his thinking about the path to victory. Where does the MAGA need strengthening? Where is Biden most vulnerable? And how can the Republican brand be leveraged? The contenders know this, and are auditioning by becoming partisan caricatures that address specific polling margins. It can make for entertaining political theater, a reality TV competition, with Trump hoping to find the match most appealing to the voters he wants.

For example, if Trump believes positions on abortion and in vitro fertilization most threaten his election chances, his best choice appears clear: South Dakota Gov. Kristi L. Noem. Not because she holds a more moderate or popular stance on those issues; she doesn’t. And not because Noem — formerly a congresswoman and a pageant queen and a natural fit for the Trump aesthetic — will bring out lots of new female voters. She won’t. But because her presence might reassure a persuadable voter that MAGA doesn’t have it out for women, offered as proof that questions on “women’s issues” won’t be left to an all-male White House.

Or Trump might feel that America First — a suite of immigration, economic and foreign policies that seem equal parts isolationist and intolerant — is his greatest strength and double down on it, selecting from among the MAGA faithful in Congress. Or, for a fresher face, business executive Vivek Ramaswamy, a former GOP candidate who is said to be on Trump’s shortlist. If a more institutionalist Republican is needed to win, perhaps Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. Haley fits here, too. Trump will have his pick, no doubt. And when a contender is asked, the answer is almost always yes.

Most of all, MAGA and the Republican Party share the same liability: They have a race problem. It’s impossible to ignore. It explains the manufactured craze over critical race theory and the party’s leading candidates’ enduring unwillingness to talk forthrightly about slavery. And even as the party slowly diversifies, it’s a party largely out of step with its voters. More than 75 percent of Republicans believe it’s important to learn the history of different racial groups. Half of millennial and Gen Z Republicans — and nearly 60 percent of Republican leaners of all ages — support incorporating Black history into their local school’s history curriculum.

Only one contestant addresses that weakness for the still-undecideds: Sen. Tim Scott (S.C.). Not because he would help Republicans win 20 percent of Black voters, the magic number the party has given lip service to for four decades; he won’t. But because a Black evangelical Christian on the ticket poses the rhetorical question in response to the party’s most serious charge: How can Trump and the party be racist if Scott is the running mate? We’ve heard that line before. Scott’s presence might mean something to on-the-fence Republicans, needing one last sign before taking the leap again. His bachelor status doesn’t fit the MAGA brand, but not to worry — Scott recently gave an engagement ring and a final rose to his girlfriend.

Each aspirant should reflect on a few requirements unique to the job. If elected, when Trump makes prejudiced or insensitive comments — and he will — the vice president will be deployed to absolve him. Should Trump fail to serve out his term, the vice president will inherit what remains, whatever that entails. And if the role involves another day like Jan. 6, 2021 — with the country on pins and needles and the moment full of intrigue — will the vice president put loyalty to country before loyalty to Trump? Whoever is selected should understand that they are only Trump’s choice because he believes their answer to that question will be no.

QOSHE - Here’s the right answer to Trump’s veepstakes question - Theodore R. Johnson
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Here’s the right answer to Trump’s veepstakes question

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18.03.2024

Follow this authorTheodore R. Johnson's opinions

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For example, if Trump believes positions on abortion and in vitro fertilization most threaten his election chances, his best choice appears clear: South Dakota Gov. Kristi L. Noem. Not because she holds a more moderate or popular stance on those issues; she doesn’t. And not because Noem — formerly a congresswoman and a pageant queen and a natural fit for the Trump aesthetic — will bring out lots of new female voters. She won’t. But because her presence might reassure a persuadable voter that MAGA doesn’t have it out for women, offered as proof that questions on “women’s issues” won’t be left to an all-male White House.

Or Trump might feel that America First — a suite of immigration, economic and foreign policies that seem equal parts isolationist and intolerant — is his greatest strength and double down on it, selecting from among the MAGA faithful in Congress. Or, for a fresher face, business executive Vivek Ramaswamy, a former GOP candidate who is said to be on Trump’s shortlist. If a more institutionalist Republican is needed to win, perhaps Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. Haley fits here, too. Trump will have his pick, no doubt. And when a contender is asked, the answer is almost always yes.

Advertisement

Most of all, MAGA and the Republican Party share the same liability: They have a race problem. It’s impossible to ignore. It explains the manufactured craze over critical race theory and the party’s leading candidates’ enduring unwillingness to talk forthrightly about slavery. And even as the party slowly diversifies, it’s a party largely out of step with its voters. More than 75 percent of Republicans believe it’s important to learn the history of different racial groups. Half of millennial and Gen Z Republicans — and nearly 60 percent of Republican leaners of all ages — support incorporating Black history into their local school’s history curriculum.

Only one contestant addresses that weakness for the still-undecideds: Sen. Tim Scott (S.C.). Not because he would help Republicans win 20 percent of Black voters, the magic number the party has given lip service to for four decades; he won’t. But because a Black evangelical Christian on the ticket poses the rhetorical question in response to the party’s most serious charge: How can........

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